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GIFT OF

THE MAHAVAMSA

THE GREAT CHRONICLE
OF CEYLON

i 3Te.tt

THE MAHAVAMSA

•

THE GREAT CHRONICLE
OF CEYLON

TRANSLATED INTO ENGLISH

WILHELM GEIGER, PH:D.,

PROFESSOR OF INDOGERMANIC PHILOLOGY
AT ERLANGEN UNIVERSITY

ASSISTED BY MABEL HAYNES BODE, Pn.D.

LECTURER ON PALI AT
UNIVERSITY COLLEGE, LONDON

UNDER THE PATRONAGE OF THE GOVERNMENT OF CEYLON

OLonfcon

PUBLISHED FOR THE PALI TEXT SOCIETY

HENRY FROWDE

OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS, AMEN CORNER, E.C.

1912

. . . .. : OXFORD

* I I'*: '..'PRINTED BY HORACE HART
• • A* THE UNIVERSITY PRESS

EDITOR'S PREFACE

A PEW words are necessary to explain how the present work
came to be written ; and one or two points should be men-
tioned regarding- the aims it is hoped to achieve. Early in
1908 the Government of Ceylon were contemplating a new
and revised edition of Tumour's translation of the Maha-
vamsa, published in 1837 and reprinted in L. C. Wijesinha's
Mahavamsa published in 1889, and were in correspondence on
the subject with the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic
Society. The Society appointed a numerous and influential
Committee, and recommended myself as Editor for Europe.1
By their letter of July 18, 1908, the Government of
Ceylon requested me to undertake that post. I took the
opportunity at the Congress of Orientalists held at Copenhagen
in August, and again at the Congress on the History
of Religions held in September at Oxford, to consult my
colleagues on the best plan for carrying out the proposed
revision. They agreed that the method most likely to
lead to a satisfactory result within a reasonable time was
to entrust the work to one competent critical scholar who
could, if necessary, consult members of the Ceylon Committee,
but who should be himself responsible for all the details of the
work. I reported to Government accordingly, and recom-
mended that Prof. Geiger, who had just completed his edition
of the text, should be asked to undertake the task. The
Government approved the plan, and asked me to make the
necessary arrangements. Those arrangements have resulted
in the publication of the present volume.

Professor Geiger has made a translation into German of his
own revised critical edition published by the Pali Text Society

1 See the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,
vol. xxi, no. 61, pp. 40-42, 70, 86.

4631^,;

vi Editors Preface

in 1908 ; and added the necessary introduction, appendices,
and notes. Mrs. Bode has translated the German into
English ; and Professor Geiger has then revised the English
translation.

The plan has been to produce a literal translation, as nearly
as possible an absolutely correct reproduction of the statements
recorded in the Chronicle. It is true there is considerable
literary merit in the original poem, and that it may be possible
"hereafter to attempt a reproduction also, in English unrhymed
verse, of the literary spirit of the poem. But a literal ver-
sion would still be indispensable for historical purposes. For
similar reasons it has been decided to retain in the translation
certain technical terms used in the Buddhist Order. In a
translation aiming at literary merit some English word more
or less analogous in meaning might be used, regardless of the
fact that such a word would involve implications not found in
the original. Thus bhikkhu has often been rendered ' priest '
or ' monk*. But a bhikkhu claims no such priestly powers as
are implied by the former term, and would yield no such
obedience as is implied in the other ; and to discuss all the
similarities and differences between these three ideas would
require a small treatise. There are other technical terms of
the same kind. It is sufficient here to explain that when
such terms are left, in the present translation, untranslated,
it is because an accurate translation is not considered possible.
Most of them are, like bhikkhit, already intelligible to those
who are likely to use this version. But they are shortly
explained in foot-notes ; and a list of them, with further
interpretation, will be found at the end of the volume.

The Ceylon Government has defrayed the expense of this,
as it did of the previously published translations of the Maha-
vamsa.

T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGE

INTRODUCTION ix

Abbreviations Ixiv

I. The Visit of the Tathagata .... 1
II. The Race of Mahasammata . . .10

III. The First Council 14

IV. The Second Council 19

V. The Third Council 26

VI. The Coming of Vijaya . . . .51

VII. The Consecrating- of Vijaya . . .55

VIII. The Consecrating of Panduvasudeva . . 62

IX. The Consecrating of Abhaya ... 65

X. The Consecrating of Pandukabhaya . . 68

XI. The Consecrating of Devanampiyatissa . 77

XII. The Converting of Different Countries . 82

XIII. The Coming of Mahinda .... 88

XIV. The Entry into the Capital .... 91
XV. The Acceptance of the Mahavihara . . 97

XVI. The Acceptance of the Cetiyapabbata-vihara. 114

XVII. The Arrival of the Relics . . . .116

XVIII. The Receiving of the Great Bodhi-tree . 122

XIX. The Coming of the Bodhi-tree . . .128

XX. The Nibbana of the Thera .... 136

XXI. The Five Kings .... .142

XXII. The Birth of Prince Gamani . . .146

XXIII. The Levying of the Warriors . . .155

XXIV. The War of the Two Brothers . . .164
XXV. The Victory of Dutthagamani . . .170

XXVI. The Consecrating of the Maricavatti-vihara . 179
XXVII. The Consecrating of the Lohapasada . . 182

viii Table of Contents

CHAPTER PAGB

XXVIII. The Obtaining of the Wherewithal to build

the Great Thupa 187

XXIX. The Beginning of the Great Thupa . . 191

XXX. The Making of the Relic-Chamber . . 198

XXXI. The Enshrining of the Relics . . .209

XXXII. The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven . 220

XXXIII. The Ten Kings 228

XXXIV. The Eleven Kings 238

XXXV. The Twelve Kings 246

XXXVI. The Thirteen Kings 256

XXXVII. King Mahasena 267

APPENDICES

A. The Dynasty of Mahasaramata . . . .273

B. The Buddhist Sects 276

C. Campaigns of Pandukabhaya and Dutthagamani . 288

D. List of Pali Terms occurring in the Translation . 292

INDEXES

A. List of Geographical and Topographical Names . 298

B. List of Terms explained in the Notes . . . 299

ADDENDA 300

MAPS

Ancient Ceylon ..... To face page 1
Anuradhapura „ 137

INTRODUCTION

§ 1. Literary questions concerning Dipavamsa and
Mahavamsa.

THE LITERARY QUESTIONS connected with the Mahavamsa
and the development of the historical tradition in Ceylon
have been thoroughly discussed in my book Dipavamsa and
Mahdvamsa.1 I believe that I have there demonstrated
that the two Ceylonese Chronicles are based upon older
materials and for this reason should claim our attention as
sources of history.

Now, however, R. O. FRANKE has taken a decided stand
against my inferences.2 He disputes the existence of an
older historical work as foundation of Dip. and Mah.

The former appears to him to be only a botched compilation
of Pali quotations from the Jatakas and other canonical
works. But the author of the Mah. has merely copied the
Dip. and the same applies to Buddhaghosa and his historical
introduction to the Samanta-Pasadika. I have however,
I hope, succeeded in combating the doubts and objections
raised by FRANKE. 3

The defects of the Dip., which naturally neither can nor
should be disputed, concern the outer form, not the contents.

1 Dip. und Mah. und die geschichtliche Vberlieferung in Ceylon,
Leipzig, 1905. Translated into English by E. M. COOMARASWAMY,
Dip. and Mah., Colombo, 1908. Quotations in the following pages
follow the English edition. I may also refer here expressly to OLDEN-
BERG'S remarks, Dtp., ed. Introd., p. 1 foil. (1879), as the starting-
point for my own.

2 Dip. und Mah. in the Wiener Zeitschr. f. d. Kunde des Morgenl.
21, pp. 203 foil. ; 317 foil.

3 Noch einmal Dip. und Mah. ; Zeitschr. d. D. morgenl. Gesettsch. 63,
p. 540 foil. I note that OLDENBERG in the Archivf. Religionswissensch.
13. p. 614, agrees with my inferences against FRANKE.

* Introduction

But that the author of the Dip. simply invented the contents
of his chronicle is a thing impossible to believe.

Thus it is our task to trace the sources from which he
drew his material. This is made possible for us by the Maha-
vamsa-Tika, i. e. the native commentary on our chronicle
which, under the title Vamsatthappakasini, was composed by
an unknown author.

I will then here briefly sum up the principal results of my
labours, referring, for confirmation in detail, to my earlier
works.

1. In Ceylon there existed at the close of the fourth
century A.D., that is, at the time in which the Dipavamsa
was composed, an older work, a sort of chronicle, of the
history of the island from its legendary beginnings onwards.
The work constituted part of the Atthakatha, i. e. the old
commentary-literature on the canonical writings of the
Buddhists which Buddhaghosa took as a basis for his illu-
minating works. It was, like the Atthakatha, composed in
Old-Sinhalese prose, probably mingled with verse in the Pali
language.

2. This Atthakathd-Mahdvamsa existed, as did the Attha-
katha generally, in different monasteries of the island, in
various recensions which diverged only slightly from one
another. Of particular importance for the further develop-
ment of the tradition was the recension of the monks of the
Mahavihara in Anuradhapura, upon which the author of
the Mah. Tika drew for his material.

3. The chronicle must originally have come down only
to the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon. But it was continued
later and indeed, to all appearance, down to the reign of
Mahasena (beginning of the fourth century A. D.), with which
reign the Dipavamsa as well as the Mahavamsa comes to an end.

4. Of this work the DIPAVAMSA presents the first clumsy
redaction in Pali verses.1 The MAHAVAMSA is then a new
treatment of the same thing, distinguished from the Dip.

1 So far as language is concerned, the author's sources have been
indicated, for numerous verses, by FRANKE ; and herein lies the
merit of his work, although I cannot consent to his conclusions.

Introduction *i

by greater skill in the employment of the Pali language, by
more artistic composition and by a more liberal use of the
material contained in the original work. While the author-
ship of the Dip. is not known the author of the Mahavamsa is
known as Mahanama.1

5. It is also on the Dip. that BUDDHAGHOSA bases his
historical introduction to the Samantapasadika ; 2 but he
completes and adds to its information with statements which
could only have been drawn directly from the Atthakatha.

6. The MAHAVAMSA-TiKA brings to the contents of the
Dip. and Mah. further additions, taken from the original
work. It was certainly not composed till between 1000 and
1250 A. D. But there can be no doubt that the Atthakatha-
Mahavamsa lay before the author, as he also supposes it to be
known to his readers and accessible to all.3 For this reason
his statements as to the original work, its form and its
contents, naturally acquire particular importance.

These conclusions are not in any way altered if I am now
inclined to consider the relation between Mah. and Dip. as
a closer one than in my first work. That the author of
the former knew the latter and used it I have naturally never
disputed. But I should now wish, in agreement with FLEET,
to go much further and regard the Mah. as a conscious and
intentional rearrangement of the Dip., as a sort of com-
mentary to this latter. I also think now that the quotation
of the ' Mahavamsa of the ancients ' in the prooemium of
our Mah. refers precisely to the Dip. I have besides already
indicated the possibility of this view in my Dip. and Mah.,
p. 17. FLEET 4 then translates the well-known passage of the
later Culavamsa (38. 59) datva sahassam dlpetum Dipa-
vamsamsamadisi in very illuminating fashion: fhe (king
Dhatusena) bestowed a thousand (pieces of gold) and gave
orders to write a dipika on the Dipavamsa/

1 See RHYS DAVIDS, Journ. Roy. As. Soc. 1905, p. 391.

a Edited by H. OLDENBERG, The Vinaya Pitakam, iii, p. 283 foil.

3 I have indicated in Z.D.M.G. 63, p. 549 foil., passages in the
Mah. T. which undoubtedly bear this out.

4 J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 5, n. 1.

xii Introduction

The interpretation hitherto given : that this is an allusion
to a public recitation of the Dip. must then be abandoned.
But this dipika, which was composed by order of Dhatusena,
is identified by FLEET with our Mahavamsa. Thus, at the
same time, the date of its origin is more precisely fixed.
Dhatusena reigned, according to calculations which are to be
confirmed further on, at the beginning of the sixth century
after Christ. About this time the Mahavamsa was composed.

§ 2. The Trustworthiness of the Ceylon Chronicles.

After these preliminary observations the Ceylonese Chronicles
should now be judged particularly with respect to their value
as HISTORICAL SOURCES, and the historical data drawn from
them should be brought together.

In their character of historical sources the Dip. and Mah.
have been very differently appreciated.

FRANKE goes the furthest in scepticism. If he did in the
beginning at least admit the POSSIBILITY 1 that the author of
the Dip. had some document or other before him, he has lately
said most positively : * in the absence of any sources, the last-
named work (i. e. the Dipavamsa) must be considered as
standing unsupported on its own tottering feet/ 2 And there-
fore according to him no historical value can be conceded to
the Dip. nor to the Mah. nor finally to the Smp. FRANKE'S
scepticism, to which I shall return in discussing the history of
the councils, ceases to be well founded as soon as we accept
the thesis that the Ceylonese Chronicles are based on the
Atthakatha. With this the tradition recedes several centuries,
and the probability that it contains historical recollections is
correspondingly reinforced, and that thesis must, as I have
explained above, be considered as confirmed.

KERNS too expresses himself with great caution on the
historical value of Dip. and Mah. He indeed says in
his Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 9, ' ... the chronicles

1 Literarisches Centralblatt, 1906, No. 37, column 1275, 1. 2.

2 Journal of the Pali Text Soc. 1908, p. 1.

8 Buddhismus, German translation by Jacobi, ii, p. 283.

Introduction xiii

Dipavamsa, Mahavamsa, and Sasanavamsa deserve a special
notice on account of their being so highly important for the
ecclesiastical history of Ceylon.' But here, however, it is only
admitted that the chronicles can be utilized as of value for the
period from Devanampiyatissa onwards or perhaps only for a
yet later time. For the most ancient times, when the history
of continental India is also to be taken into consideration,
KERN is hardly inclined to accept them as authentic sources.

A very trenchant verdict is pronounced by V. A. SMITH in
his Asoka on the Ceylonese Chronicles. He says in the plainest
fashion : ' in this work (i. e. in the Asoka) the Ceylonese
chronology prior to B.C. 160 is absolutely and completely
rejected, as being not merely of doubtful authority but
positively false in its principal propositions/ l

Perhaps V. A. SMITH has since modified his judgement.
For he says now: 2 f These Sinhalese stories the value of which
has been sometimes overestimated, demand cautious criticism
at least as much as do other records of popular and eccle-
siastical tradition.' This sounds less cutting. The warning
to handle critically, which the excellent historian considers
necessary with regard to the Ceylonese Chronicles, is certainly
justified. It applies to all historical documents, and I have
no intention at all of disputing the justice of it.

The judgement pronounced by RHYS DAVIDS 3 on Dip. and
Mah. sounds much more favourable. He says : ' The Ceylon
Chronicles would not suffer in comparison with the best of the
Chronicles, even though so considerably later in date, written
in England or in France.' He also lays stress on the fact
that, as is self-evident, those Chronicles contain no pure history.
But they represent the traditions of their time and permit us
to draw retrospective conclusions as to earlier periods.

Lately H. C. NORMAN* has defended the Ceylonese
Chronicles, with complete justice as it seems to me, against

1 Asoka, the Buddhist Emperor of India, p. 57.

2 Early History of India (2nd ed., 1908), p. 9.

3 Buddhist India, 1903, p. 274.

4 A Defense of the Chronicles of the Southern Buddhists, J.R.A.S.
1908, p. 1 foil.

xiv Introduction

undeserved distrust and exaggerated scepticism. I draw
attention expressly to this essay because it naturally has
many points of contact with my own researches.

If we next consider the two chronicles as a whole, without
any prepossessions, it is not easy to understand whence this
widespread doubt of their trustworthiness. The presentation
of the subject, taken as a whole, may be called modest and
simple, indeed dry. True, there is no lack of fables and
marvellous tales. But they appear as outward decoration
which can be easily omitted. Besides, we always meet with
such stories of miracles in connexion with events of a quite
clearly defined category, namely, when it is a question of
celebrating the splendour and majesty of the Buddhist Order.

Mahinda arrives in Ceylon in marvellous fashion, flying
through the air; miraculous phenomena accompany the
'Establishment of the Doctrine', the arrival of the relics,
the planting of the Bodhi-tree, and so forth. None of this
can appear strange to us. The ornament with which tradition
here decks out the victory of the Order and the true faith
enfolds a deeper meaning. The facts in themselves are extra-
ordinarily simple ; but to the pious sentiment of the believer
they seemed great; and fantasy glorifies them with the
many-coloured lights of miracle and legend.

I do not conceal from myself that this judgement of the
situation lays itself open to the reproach that our method
is simply to eliminate from the tradition all the miraculous
stories and consider what is left over as authentic history.1
But I think WINDISCH 2 has shown admirably how, in fact, in
the Buddhist tradition, around a relative small nucleus all
kinds of additions have collected in time, by which events,
originally simple, are withdrawn gradually into the region

1 V. A. SMITH, Asoka, pp. 45-46 : ' Most writers have been content
to lop off the miracles and to accept the residuum of the story as
authentic history. Such a method of interpreting a legend does not
seem to be consistent with sound principles of historical criticism.1

2 Mara und Buddha (Abhandl.d. phil.-hist. Cl. der K. Sachs. Gesellsch.
d. Wiss., xv, 4, 1895), Buddha's Geburt (ib., xxvi, 2, 1907), Die Kom-
position des Mahavastu (ib., xxvii, 14, 1909).

Introduction *v

of the marvellous. 'But we must not therefore pour away
the child with the bath. Here, too, the task of Science is
to lay bare the grain of truth; not only this, but she must
seek the meaning and significance of the mythical crown of
rays that has gathered round the nucleus. For the mythical
is often the covering of deep thoughts/ l

We shall, of course, be obliged to begin by removing the
mythical additions. But we need by no means take the
residue as current coin. Here we are concerned to examine how
far the tradition is established as trustworthy, by internal or
external evidence, and how far shaken as being untrustworthy.

If we pause first at internal evidence then the Ceylonese
Chronicles will assuredly at once win approval in that they
at least WISHED to write the truth. Certainly the writers
could not go beyond the ideas determined by their age and
their social position, and beheld the events of a past time in
the mirror of a one-sided tradition. But they certainly did
not intend to deceive hearers or readers. This is clear from
the remarkably objective standpoint from which they judge
even the mortal foes of the Aryan race. That certainly
deserves to be emphasized. It is true not only of dominating
personalities (such as, to all appearance, Elara was) but also
of the two usurpers Sena and Guttika it is said, Dip. 18. 47
and Mah. 21. 11: raj jam dhammena karayum.

Besides, the obvious endeavour to make out a systematic
chronology is such as to inspire confidence at the outset.
Indeed, whole sections of the Dip. consist entirely of
synchronistic connexions of the ecclesiastical tradition with
profane history and of the history of India with that of
Ceylon.

§ 3. External support of the Chronicles.

The above certainly are, in the first place, only general
considerations, the value of which I myself would by no
means estimate too highly. Meanwhile it is more important
that the Ceylonese tradition has after all found support to
a considerable extent from external testimony.

1 WINDISCH, Buddha s Geburt, p. 4.

xvi Introduction

1. First as to the LIST OF INDIAN KINGS BEFORE ASOKA/
the statements concerning Bimbisara and Ajatasattu as con-
temporaries of the Buddha agree with the canonical writings
and, in respect of the names, with those of the Brahmanic
tradition.

The Jaina-tradition has other names ; this, however, does
not affect the actual agreement. There can be no doubt
that the nine Nandas as well as the two forerunners of
Asoka : Candagutta and Bindusara, were altogether historical
personages. Here also, in the number of years of Candagutta's
reign the Ceylonese tradition agrees completely with the
Indian. V. A. SMITH/ too, does not hesitate to accept the
number 24 as historical.

Besides the renowned counsellor of Candagutta, the
brahman Canakka (Skt. Canakya) is known to the Ceylonese
Chronicles. In respect of the length of Bindusara's reign their
statements differ from those of the Puranas by three years,
in respect of that of Asoka by only one year. The Ceylonese
tradition concerning Indian history since the Buddha is,
therefore, not unsupported.

2. The CONVERSION OF CEYLON is, according to Dip. and
Mah., and finally, according to the unanimous tradition of the
country itself, the work of Mahinda, a son of Asoka, and his
sister Samghamitta. V. A. SMITH calls the stories relating to
this in the Chronicles 'a tissue of absurdities '.3 Asoka
himself mentions Ceylon, as he explains, twice in his
Inscriptions : in the Rock-Edict XIII, among the countries
to which he despatched missionaries, and in Rock-Edict II,
among those in which he provides for distribution of
medicines.4 Since these Edicts belong to the thirteenth year

1 Cf. the tables to § 9.

a Early History of India, pp. 115-118. Cf. also Asoka, p. 95.

3 Asoka, p. 45. OLDENBERG also (ibid., p. 46) considers the tradi-
tion a pure invention.

4 Cf. the translations in V. A. SMITH'S Asoka, pp. 129-133 and
pp. 115-116. The expression cikisaka( = Skt. cikitsa, p.tikiccha)»
which SENART translates remedes, is rendered by BUHLER (see
Z.D.M.G. 48, 1894, p. 50) 'hospitals'.

Introduction

of Asoka's reign there appears to be an error in the Ceylonese
tradition which puts the conversion of Ceylon as far on as
the eighteenth year. On the other hand Asoka, in the opinion
of SMITH, would, if he had really handed over his son Mahinda
and his daughter Samghamitta to the Church, and had brought
about the conversion of the king of Ceylon, certainly not have
neglected to bring it into notice. The name ' Samghamitta '
is, he thinks, from its very meaning, suspicious.

I discuss the arguments in the reverse order. The name
Samghamitta is of course that which she herself assumed
on entering the Order. That, beside this name, under which
she became a renowned saint of the Buddhist Church, the
lay-name fell into complete oblivion can certainly not cause
any surprise.

That Asoka makes no mention of Mahinda and Sam-
ghamitta in his Edicts is an argumentum e silentio. That
there is any cogency in such an argument V. A. SMITH will
surely not maintain. It is indeed very difficult to say in what
connexion the king would be obliged to speak of the matter.
It can be perhaps expected chiefly in the so-called Minor
Rock-Edict I, the Edict of Rupnath, Sahasram and Brahma-
giri. But here the reason would again disappear if with
FLEET1 we date this edict in the year 256 A.D. In this case,
the sending of Mahinda would be about twenty years earlier
than the edict, and would belong to past times.

I certainly do not wish to decide here for or against
FLEET'S theory. But it is clear that we are standing on too
uncertain ground to allow ourselves to proceed without hesita-
tion from an argumentum e silentio.

Now, finally, what as to the mention of Missions to Ceylon
in the Asoka Inscriptions earlier than the thirteenth year of
the king's reign ?

I may observe that, at the outset, it is not absolutely
certain whether by the Tambapanni of the Inscriptions
Ceylon is really meant. Possibly the name may designate the

1 < The Conversion of Asoka,' J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 486 foil. ; ' The Last
Edict of Asoka,' 16., p. 811 foil. ; 'The Last Words of Asoka,' /&., 1910,
p. 1301 foil.

Introduction

Tinnevelli district at the southern extremity of India, where
the river Tamraparm flows into the sea.1 But, at the same
time, if Tambapanni should be understood to mean Ceylon
the authenticity of Dip. and Mah. is not affected in the

ESSENTIAL points.

Let us look at the positive contents of the tradition. We
are certain of: (1) the name Mahinda as the apostle of
Ceylon. Nor is that disputed by V. A. SMITH. Here the
Ceylon ese narrative finds gratifying support from Hiuen-
thsang 2 who mentions Mahendra by name expressly as the man
by whom the true doctrine was spread abroad in the kingdom
of Simhala. It is certain : (2) that this Mahendra was a near
relative of king Asoka. The Chinese pilgrims call him the
younger brother 3 of this latter, the Ceylon Chronicles call him
his son. Here we have two conflicting reports, and it would
be simply arbitrary to prefer the statement of the Chinese
pilgrims to the Ceylonese tradition.

But at what result do we arrive if we put together these
established facts and the mention of Ceylon in the earlier
Asoka Inscriptions? Simply and solely that which is self-
evident, namely, that before Mahinda relations existed between
continental India and Ceylon and efforts were made to trans-
plant the Buddhist doctrine to Ceylon.

But with Mahinda this process comes to a successful end.
We can understand therefore that all the interest became con-
centrated in his person, and that tradition wrought together
in dramatic fashion that which was a thing of slow con-
tinuous development. I consider that this would always and
in all circumstances have been the critical judgment on the

1 Imp. Gazetteer of India, s.v. Cf. on this subject HULTSZCH,
J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 1310, n. 4.

8 ST. JULIEN, Memoires sur les contrees occidentales, par Hiouen-
ihsang, ii, p. 140 ; BEAL, Si-yu-ki, Buddhist Records of the Western
World, transl. from the Chinese of Hiuen-thsang, ii, pp. 246-247 ;
T. WATTERS, On Yuan Chwang, ii. 93, 230, 234.

a Besides Hiuen-thsang we have mention by Fa-hian (see LEGGE,
A Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms by Fd-hitn, p. 77) of a younger
brother of Asoka, who became a monk, without, however, mention of
liis name or allusion to the mission to Ceylon.

Introduction *ix

reports of our Chronicles as to the conversion of Ceylon.
The fact, in essential respects, holds good, but it is a question
of putting it in the right light.

Besides, a hint that Mahinda's mission was preceded by
similar missions to Ceylon is to be found even in Dip. and Mah.,
when they relate that Asoka, sending to Devanampiyatissa,
with presents for his second consecration as king, exhorted
him to adhere to the doctrine of the Buddha.1

Certainly on chronological grounds this cannot be immedi-
ately connected with the notices of the conversion of Ceylon
to be found in the inscriptions. But it shows us that, even
from the point of view of the Chronicles of Ceylon, Buddhism
was not quite unknown in that country already before Mahinda's
time.

3. The HISTORY OF THE MISSIONS as related in Dip. and
Mah.2 receives most striking confirmation in the inscriptions
discovered. On the inner lid of the relic-urn which was found
in Tope no. 2 of the Sanchi group there is this inscription :
Sapurisa(sa) Majhimasa ' (relics) of the pious man Maj-
jhima'. On the outer lid is Sapurisa(sa) Kasapagotasa
Hemavatacariyasa' (relics) of the pious man Kassapagotta
(i. e. of the Kassapa clan), the teacher of the Himalaya '.3
Now Majjhima is, in fact, named in the Mah. as the teacher
who converted the Himalaya region and Kassapagotto
thero appears as his companion in the Dip.4

Again in the superscription of a relic-casket from Tope
no. 2 of the Sonari group the same Majjhima is mentioned.

On another urn from the same Tope we again find the name
of Kassapagotta, this time with the epithet Kotiputta and
again with the designation ' Teacher of the whole Himalaya '.

In a third urn-inscription Gotiputta (i. e. Kotiputta Kassapa-

1 Dip. 12. 5-6 ; Mah. 11. 34-35 ; Smp. 3235-8.

2 Dip. 8. 1-13 ; Mah. 12. 1-54. Cf. also Smp. 31417-31825.

3 See CUNNINGHAM, The Bhilsa Topes, p. 287. Cf. RHYS DAVIDS,
Buddhist India, pp. 299-301.

4 Mah. 12. 6, 41 ; Dip. 8. 10. Cf. Smp. 31719 ; Mahabodhivamsa (ed.
STRONG) 1155, where also Kassapagotta is mentioned together with
Majjhima. Cf. also Mah. Tika, 222r.

xx Introduction

gotta) appears in connexion with Dadabhisara. This is
evidently the Dundubhissara of the Dip. and the Mahabodhi-
vamsa who was also among those theras who won the Himalaya
countries to the Buddha's doctrine.1

Finally the name of the thera who, according to tradition,
presided over the third council under Asoka's rule, is also
shown to be authentic by an inscription in a relic-casket from
Tope no. 2 of the Sanchi group.2 There is no doubt that by
the Sapurisasa Mogaliputasa is meant the Moggaliputta
Tissa of the Ceylonese Chronicles.

4. Moreover, the narrative of the transplanting of a branch
of the sacred Bodhi-tree from Uruvela to Ceylon finds interest-
ing confirmation in the monuments.

At least GRUNWEDEL, in an ingenious and, to me, con-
vincing way,3 points out that the sculptures of the lower and
middle architraves of the East Gate of the Sanchi Tope are
representations of that event. Since the Sanchi-sculptures
belong to the second century B. c. the representation is distant
from the event by roughly speaking, only 100 or at most
150 years.

§ 4. Errors in the Chronology of the Earliest
Historical Period.

I consider that such objective confirmation of the Chronicles
proves at the very least this much : that their statements are
not absolutely untenable and are at least worthy of being tested.
Naturally they are not infallible and the longer the interval
between the time of the events and the time when they are
related, the greater the possibility of an objective error, and
so much the more will the influence of legend be noticeable.

As regards the oldest period from Vijaya to Devanampiya-
tissa we feel a certain distrust of the tradition and traditional

1 CUNNINGHAM, 1. 1., pp. 316-317.
8 CUNNINGHAM, I. Z., p. 289.

3 GRUNWEDEL, Buddhist. Kunst in Indien, pp. 72-73. Cf. also RHYS
DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 302.

Introduction xxi

chronology from the very fact that Vijaya' s arrival in Ceylon
is dated on the day of the Buddha's death.1 This seems to be
a biassed account. Besides, there are the round numbers for
the length of the single reigns which have in themselves the
appearance of a set scheme and involve, moreover, a positive
impossibility in respect of the last two kings of that period,
PANDUKABHAYA and MUTASIVA.

According to our Chronicles2 Pandukabhaya was born
shortly before the death of Panduvasudeva. Then followed
the reign of Abhaya, twenty years, and an interregnum of
seventeen years. Then Pandukabhaya ascends the throne at
the age of thirty-seven years. He reigns seventy years.
That would bring his age to 107 years !

This, however, is not enough. Pandukabhaya's successor
is his son Mutasiva. He is born of Suvannapali whom
Pandukabhaya had already married before the beginning of
his reign. Mutasiva must then have been past the prime
of manhood when he succeeded to the throne. In spite of
this a reign of sixty years is attributed to him.

It seems to me that certain names and events in the
tradition may indeed be maintained, but that the last reigns
were lengthened in order to make Vijaya and the Buddha
contemporaries.

That in respect of certain facts, the tradition is by no
means without value for that first period of Ceylonese history,
is shown, for instance, by the account of Pandukabhaya's
campaigns,3 which decidedly gives an impression of trust-
worthiness.

Also after Devanampiyatissa's reign we find matter for
doubt.4 A reign of forty years is attributed to the king

1 Mali. 6. 47. In the Dip. 9. 21-22 it is stated, in a somewhat more
general way, that at the time of the death of the Buddha (parinib-
banasamaye, not precisely on the day of the death) Vijaya landed in
Ceylon. The same in Smp. 32020.

2 Dip. 11. 1, 4; Mah. 9. 28; 10. 106. See previously TURNOUK,
Mdhciwanso, Introd., p. li.

3 Mah. 10. 26 foil. See below, Appendix C, p. 288 foil.

4 Cf. also on this subject FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 340.

xxii Introduction

mentioned, who is said to have been Mutasiva's second son,
although he was no longer young when he ascended the throne.
But to him succeeded three younger brothers, Uttiya,1 Mahasiva
and Suratissa, each of whom reigned ten (= thirty) years.
Nay, after the intervening rule of the two Damilas, Sena
and Guttika, which lasted twelve years, a fourth brother,
Asela, ascends the throne and also reigns ten years.

The reigns of the sons of Mutasiva, who himself occupied
the throne for sixty years, would then cover a period of
ninety-two years !

We see clearly that also in the period between Devanampiya-
tissa and Dutthagamani there were still gaps in the tradition
which were filled in with fictitious construction. For the line
of Devanampiyatissa we have again the remarkable round
numbers 40 + 10 + 10 + 10 + 10.

In the later periods we encounter no such difficulties and
impossibilities. The chronology is credible, the numbers appear
less artificial and more trustworthy.

But even in that first historical period one fact stands out
clearly and distinctly from the wavering traditions concerning
the times immediately before and after. That is the reign
of Devanampiyatissa and the arrival of Mahinda in Ceylon.
And with this we approach the general standpoint from which
we have to judge the historical tradition as to the earliest and
earlier times in our Chronicles.

§ 5. The Year of the Buddha's Death.

fWe have to do with a monkish tradition. The starting-
point of its chronological statements is the year of the
Buddha's death. For this tradition naturally not every event
iior every historical personage is important to an equal degree,
but chiefly in so far as they were of importance for the
development of the Buddhist community. There are isolated
occurrences and personalities connected, even in early times,

1 The name of Uttiya and his consort is confirmed by an inscription
in Periya-Puliyankulam (Northern Province). See Archaeological
rey of Ceylon, Annual Report, 1905 (xx. 1909), p. 45.

Introduction

with a certain date which announced the time that had passed
since the Buddha's death.1 As for the intervening period
the traditions concerning it were far less well established and
precise, especially from the chronological point of view.

Here fictions were made, building up and completing the
tradition from which subsequently, with those fixed points as
framework, the chronological system was developed that we
find in the Dip. and Mah., as also in the Introduction to the
Snip., and again in the later historical literature of Ceylon.
In the Dip., the oldest source accessible to us, this system,
appears already complete. It is most certainly not a creation
of the author of the Chronicle but only taken over, in all
probability, from the Atthakatha.

One of the fixed dates, which was established at a specially
early period, and which evidently forms the corner-stone of
the whole system, is the number 218 for the consecration
(abhiseka) of Asoka. The Dip. 6. 1, says: —

dve satani ca vassani attharasa vassani ca I
sambuddhe parinibbute abhisitto Piyadassano II

* 218 years after the Sambuddha had passed into Nirvana
Piyadassano (Asoka) was consecrated/
And the Mah. 5. 21:—

Jinanibbanato paccha pura tassabhisekato
Sattharasam vassasatadvayam evam vijaniyam.

'After the Nirvana of the Conqueror and before his
( Asoka' s) consecration there were 218 years; this should be
known/

1 In the same way, to date the Mahavira in the Jaina tradition the
number 155 is evidently decisive as being the sum total of the years
between his death and the beginning of Candragupta's reign. See
Hemacandra's Parisistaparvan, ed. JACOBI, viii. 339 ; Pref., p. 6. If
we accept the year 321 B.C. for this last event we have as result
476 B. c. as the year of Mahavira's death. Certainly this is in contra-
diction with the Buddhist reckoning in so far as, according to Majjh.
Nik. II. 24318 foil., the ' Nigantha Nataputta ' (i.e. the Mahavira) must
have died BEFORE the Buddha. OLDENBERG, Z.D.M.G. 34, p. 749.

Introduction
THAT is TO SAY, THAT AFTER A LAPSE OF 218 YEARS, i. e.

SOMETIME IN THE YEAR 219 AFTER THE BUDDHA^S DEATH, THE
CONSECRATION OF ASOKA TOOK PLACE.1

Since Asoka had already reigned four years before he per-
formed the abhiseka ceremony2 his accession falls 214 years
after the Nirvana. According to the Ceylonese tradition the
reign of Asoka was preceded by that of Bindusara, lasting
twenty-eight, and that of Candagutta lasting twenty-four
years (Mah. 5. 18; Dip. 5. 100). Thus Candagutta would
have ascended the throne 214 — (28 + 24 years), i. e. 162 years
after the Nirvana.3 Now this event is one of the few in the
earlier Indian history which we can date with some approach
to certainty. It falls in the year 321 B.C. or within two
years of this date,4 allowing for error.

THUS THERE RESULTS AS THE PROBABLE YEAS, OF THE

BUDDHA'S DEATH (321 + 162) = 483 B.C. As he died at the
age of eighty years the year of his birth should be put at
563 B.C.

But we must emphatically state that this calculation too is
hypothetical, that we are only able to give an approximate
and not a perfectly exact result. Moreover, we shall see
below that, in the Ceylon Chronicles themselves, there is
a contradiction which we can hardly pass by.

First of all the whole calculation, as OLDENBERG5 has
quite justly insisted, rests on the supposition that the date

1 Slightly different in the Smp., p. 29920, which puts the abhiseka
in the year 218 (dvinnam vassasatanam upari attharasarae
vasse). On the tradition on Asoka's age of the Northern Buddhists
see § 11.

2 Dip. 6. 21-22; cf. Smp. 1. 1. Moreover, Mah. 5. 22 contains the
same statement. NORMAN, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 10, is mistaken when
he says that, according to the Mah., accession should be put at the
year 218 A.B. and the abhiseka at 222.

3 With this calculation cf. FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1906, pp. 984-986 and
1909, p. 1 foil., and particularly p. 28 foil. See also WICKREMA-
SINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 142, n. 7.

4 V. A. SMITH, J.R.A.S. 1901, pp. 831-834 ; Early History of India,
pp. 38-39.

6 Archiv fftr Religionswissenschaft, 1910, p. 611.

Introduction

218 for Asoka's abhiseka is authentic. It really seems to
me that it is just on this very point that scepticism is least
necessary. The date is supported by the best testimony and
has nothing in it to call for suspicion. The interval of time
is certainly not so great that the preserving, within the eccle-
siastical world, of a definite tradition as to an event of such
great importance should be improbable or indeed impossible.

On the other hand we must not forget that the date 321
for Candragupta's accession, which forms a point of support
for the hypothesis, is only approximately correct. A little
shifting back or forward is therefore quite possible.

Finally, there is the supposition that the length of Canda-
gutta's reign (twenty-four years) and Bindusara's (twenty-
eight) is established with certainty. Now it seems indeed
that, with regard to the former, scepticism is quite out of
place. Here the northern tradition is in agreement with the
southern,1 which is certainly an important point. On the other
hand there is a difference of three years in respect of Bindu-
sara's reign. Here again there is a possibility that the date
may be shifted.

Nevertheless it does seem that on the much-disputed ques-
tion of the year of the Buddha's death there is a tendency
toward unison. Marked differences of view are disappearing,
the accepted dates are less far removed one from another.2

The chronology current in Ceylon, Burma, Siam starts
out from the middle of the year 544 B.C.3 as the date of the
Nirvana. That this date is wrong and contains an error of,
roughly speaking, sixty years, is now, we may say, generally
admitted. Moreover, FLEET* has pointed out that this
reckoning is by no means based on a continuous tradition

1 Cf. below the tables to § 9.

2 For earlier views see FLEET, J.E.A.S. 1909, pp. 4-5; MABEL
DUFF, Chronology of India, p. 7 ; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism,
p. 107, n. 6.

3 Not 543 ! See WICKREMASINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i,
p. 122, n. 7. The year of Buddha, 2444, began on May 13, 1900.

* « The Origin of the Buddhavarsha, the Ceylonese Reckoning from
the Death of Buddha,' J.E.A.S. 1909, p. 323 foil., esp. 332.

xxvi Introduction

from early times. It is rather a relatively late fabrication,
which probably does not go back further than the twelfth
century A.D.1 How the error of sixty years came into the
era certainly still needs explanation.

Again, the date 477 B.C. as the year of the Buddha's death,
which was accepted by MAX MULLER and CUNNINGHAM, must
be given up. It rests on the erroneous premise that the year
of Candragupta's accession was 315 B.C.2

V. A. SMITH3 accepts 487 or 486 B.C. as the year of the
Nirvana, GOPALA AIYER,* who starts from 269 as the year of
Asoka's coronation, the year 486 B.C. Both attach some im-
portance, it would seem, to the so-called 'dotted Record',5
which was continued in Canton up to the year 489 A. D. and
marks each year, from the date of the Buddha onwards, with
a dot. In the year 489 A. D. the number of dots amounted to
975, which would bring us to the year 486 B.C. as the starting-
point.

I would not for my part attach too much importance to
this ' dotted Record '. It is singularly improbable that in the
course of time — it is a question of nearly a thousand years ! —
not a single error or oversight should have occurred. The
essential, to my thinking, is that the difference between the
various reckonings is already reduced by now to three or four
years. But if V. A. SMITH, from his own standpoint, arrives
at a result so closely approaching that to which the corrected
Ceylon-Tradition brings us, he might well have been led to a
somewhat milder judgment as to their trustworthiness and
their value.

Finally, the whole difference comes down to this : whether,
agreeing with the Puranas, we allow Bindusara a reign of
twenty-five years, or, in agreement with the Mahavamsa, allow
him twenty-eight years. In the former case we come to the

1 As it now appears (see below) in the eleventh century.

2 S.B.E., x, 2nd ed., 1908, pp. 43-47.

3 Early History of India, pp. 41-43.

4 'The Date of Buddha,' Ind. Ant. xxxvii, 1908, p. 341 foil.

3 See TAKAKUSU, J.R.A.S. 1896, p. 436 foil. ; 1897, p. 113; FLEET,
ib., 1909, p. 9.

Introduction

year 486 as the year of the Nirvana, in the latter case to
483 B.C. If we then take the 219th year after the Nirvana
as the year of Asoka's abhiseka, there results in the former
case 268/67 B.C., in the latter 265/64 B.C.

It would be of great importance to us if we might refer the
date 256 at the end of the so-called ' Minor Rock-Edict I ' l to
the years elapsed from the Nirvana to the publication of the
Edict. This opinion was formerly held, represented particu-
larly by BUHLEII and FLEET.2

But recently the interpretation of that Edict was cleared up
to a certain extent. The merit belongs to F. W. THOMAS. 3
He was the first to point out that the expressions vivuthena
and vivas a (vivutha), which appear in connexion with the
number 256, should be derived from vi-vas in the sense ' to be
absent from home, to dwell far away '. Then in his second
article he has ingeniously demonstrated that the number 256
does not denote years but nights, i. e. nights and days. In the
Sahasram. text he first discovered the word lati = ratri in duve
sapamnalatisata = Skt. dve satpancasaratrisate.

These discoveries were acknowledged both by FLEET and
HuLTZSCH.4 But now opinions diverge. F. W. THOMAS takes
it to mean that Asoka published the Edict when on a religious
journey. The number would refer to the 256 changes of
camp in the course of this tour of inspection.

But FLEET interprets vivutha and vivasa in another way.
According to him the allusion is to the renunciation of the
household life, to the life far from house and family. He
takes it to mean that Asoka after a reign of thirty-seven years
had renounced the throne and the world to spend the rest of
his life in religious retreat. His dwelling was the mountain

1 The Edict is to be found in Rupnath, Sahasram, in Brahmagiri
and elsewhere. V. A. SMITH, Asoka, p. 138, n. 3.

2 Cf. BiiHLER, Epigraphia Indica, iii. 138; FLEET, 'The last Edict
of Asoka,' J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 811 foil.

3 Ind. Ant. xxxvii, 1908, pp. 22-23, and especially 'Les vivasah
d'Asoka ', Journal Asiatique, May-June, 1910, p. 507 foil.

4 FLEET, 'The Last Words of Asoka,1 J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 1302 foil. ;
HULTZSCH, 'A Third Note on the Rupnath Edict,' 16., p. 1308 foil.

Introduction

Suvarnagiri near Girivraja in Magadha.1 Hence in the
passage which is preamble to the Edict in the Mysore ver-
sions Suvarnagiri is named, and not the capital Pataliputra,
as the place where the Edict, the 'last word of Asoka', was
published.

Moreover, the number 256 has, according to FLEET, a
special significance. It was not by chance that Asoka pub-
lished the Edict on the 256th day of his life in retreat. At
this very time the 256th year since the Nirvana came to an
end. Asoka would thus have spent, for each year elapsed
since the Buddha's death, one day in religious contemplation
as a brahmacarl.

This is a very ingenious idea. But it would be hazardous
for the present time to base further conclusions on this bold
and seductive combination.

§ 6. Traces of an era in Ceylon reckoned from 483 B.C.

Recently, however, the date 483 seems to have found further
support. Here we must take into consideration an important
observation of WiCKREMASiNGHE,2 which completes the proof
adduced by FLEET and discussed above, of the late origin of
the Ceylonese era, that starts from the year 544. Indications
are to be found that in earlier times, and indeed down to the
beginning of the eleventh century, an era persisted even in
Ceylon which was reckoned from 483 B.C., as the year of the
Buddha's death. From the middle of the eleventh century
the new era took its rise, being reckoned from the year 544,
and this is still in use.

In dealing with the question we have to date the immediate
predecessors of king Parakramabahu I, beginning with
Udaya III (1507 A.B.).3

As to Parakramabahu I, we have information from inscrip-

1 Cf. also on this, FLEET, ' The Conversion of Asoka,' J.R.A.S.
1908, p. 486/otf.

2 See Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 155 foil.

3 The names are given in WIJESINHA, The Mahavansa, Part II,
translated, pp. xxii-xxiii.

Introduction

tions, confirmed and completed by literary data, according to
which he was crowned when 1696 years had elapsed since the
Buddha's death, that is, in the year 1697 A.B. Eight years
later, 1705 A.B., a second coronation apparently took place.
In the fourth year afterwards, when 1708 years had gone by
since the Nirvana, that is, in 1709 A. B., he held a Buddhist
Synod.1 According to the Ceylonese era those are the years
1153, 1161, 1165 A. D. But this date for Parakramabahu is
supported by an entirely independent source, namely a South-
Indian inscription at the Temple of Tiruvalisvara in Arpak-
kama. Thus for the second half of the twelfth century the
existence of the Ceylon era, reckoned from 544, is established
with certainty.

Now according to the Culavamsa 2 (56. 16 foil.) the six
predecessors of Parakramabahu, from Parakrama Pandu
onwards, reigned 107 years. Thus the accession of the last-
named prince falls at 1590 A. B. or, according to the Ceylonese
era, 1046 A.D. Moreover, this date is confirmed by the
South-Indian Manimahgalam inscription, which is dated in
the same year.3

According to the latter, Parakrama Pandu was conquered
and killed in this year by the Cola king Kajadhiraja I. It
is true the Culavamsa gives Parakrama Pandu a reign of
two years, but we must rather take the accession and death
of the king as falling in one and the same year, 1590 A. B.
= 1046 A. D. Thus it is proved, at the same time, that the
Ceylon-era also existed in the middle of the eleventh century.

But from a South-Indian inscription we can also fix a date
for Udaya III among the predecessors of Parakrama Pandu,
a date which throws a completely new light on the whole
reckoning of eras.

1 See the Galvihara-Insc. of Polonnaruwa, 11. 1-4 (ED. MULLER,
Ancient Inscr. of Ceylon, pp. 87, 120) ; Nikaya-sangraha, ed. WICK-
REMASINGHE, pp. 2026, 226. Cf. Epigr. Zeyl. i, p. 123.

2 I designate thus the later continuation of the Mahavamsa from
37. 51 onwards.

3 HULTZSCH, South Indian Inscriptions, iii, no. 28, p. 53 ; Epigr.
Zeyl. pp. 80, 155.

Introduction

Since, according to the Culavamsa,1 the time between the
accession of Udaya III and that of Parakrama Pandu amounts
to ninety-three years eight days, and, as we saw above, the
latter ascended the throne in 1590 A. B., we have consequently
for the accession of this former king the date 1497 A. B. But
this year, according to the Tanjore inscription of king Rajendra
Coladeva, must be about the year 1015 A. D.

The inscription 2 gives an account of a military expedition
to Ceylon. This invasion by Cola corresponds as to its details
with one which, according to the Culavamsa 53. 40 foil.,
occurred under Udaya III at the beginning of his reign.
KIELHORN has calculated the time of Coladeva's accession as
between the end of 1011 and the middle of 1012 A. D. ; the
expedition falls between the fourth and sixth year of the
reign, that is, between 1015 and 1018. These years must
coincide with the years 1497 and 1498 A. B. Of the 1497
years ( — 1015) remain 482, which fall within pre-Christian
times. In other words : THE BUDDHA DIED 483 B.C.

So, with WICKREMASINGHE (1. 1., p. 157) we must state the
matter thus. The author of that part of the Culavamsa
which deals with the kings from Udaya III to Parakrama-
bahu I lived at a time when the present era, reckoned from
544 B. c., was in use. He was acquainted with three well-
established dates, 1497, 1590, and 1692 A. B., for the accession
of Udaya III, Parakrama Pandu, and Parakramabahu I.
But he did not know that the first of the three dates was
based on quite a different era, reckoned from 483 B.C. The
interval between Udaya III and Parakrama Pandu amounted,
in his view, to ninety-three years, but was in reality only
thirty-one years (1015-1046 A. D.).

Certainly, considering the detail in which the events of the
period from Udaya III to Parakrama Pandu are described by
the Culavamsa, it is difficult to say at what point we should
undertake to strike out the surplus of sixty-two years. The

1 See WIJESINHA, 1. 1., p. xxii.

2 HULTZSCH, South Indian Inscr. ii, no. 9, pp. 90-93; KlELHORN,
Epigraphia Indica, vii, p. 7 ; Epigr. Zeyl. i, p. 79.

Introduction

principal part must perhaps fall within the reign of Mahinda V
and the interregnum that followed, for which thirty-six years
and twelve years are set down. But that the tradition regard-
ing the period in question is not well established is easily ex-
plained by the unrest and confusion which prevailed at that
time.

§ 7. The dates of Devanampiyatissa and Duttha-
gamani.

The tradition according to which Asoka was consecrated
king 218 years after the Nirvana certainly arose in India.
The first envoys of Buddhism brought it to Ceylon with them,
and here A CHRONOLOGICAL CONNEXION WAS ESTABLISHED

BETWEEN THE REIGN OF ASOKA AND THAT OF DEVANAM-
PIYATISSA, under whom Buddhism made its entry into Ceylon.

That Devanampiyatissa and Asoka were really contempo-
raries we have no reason to doubt. On the one hand the
Ceylonese tradition concerning the missions is supported by
the discoveries in the Bhilsa-topes. On the other hand we
know from Asoka's inscriptions that as a matter of fact an
eager missionary-activity prevailed in his time.

According to the Dlpavamsa DEVANAMPIYATISSA was con-
secrated king 236 years after the Buddha's death,1 i. e. in the
237th year. According to the Mah. 11. 40 the consecrating
of Devanampiyatissa took place on the first day of the bright
half of the ninth month, Maggasira (October-November).

Now since, according to Dip. 11. 14, the consecration of
Tissa was later by a certain number of years — I shall discuss
the passage further on — AND six MONTHS later — than the
abhisekaof Asoka, this latter event must have taken place

1 Dip. 17. 78 :

dve satani ca vassani chattimsa ca samvacchare
sambuddhe parinibbute abhisitto Devanampiyo.
Observe that the formula used is the same as in 6. 1 for dating Asoka's
abhiseka. See above, p.xxiii. The date 236 is also to be found in the
Nikaya-samgraha, ed. WICKREMASINGHE, p. 103, and it results in Dip.
and Mah. as the sum total of the reigns of all the kings from Vijaya
to Devanampiyatissa.

Introduction

in the third month Jettha (April— May),1 and in fact, as we
know, in the 219th year after the Nirvana.

According1 to the tradition prevailing in Ceylon 2 the
Buddha died on the full-moon day of the second month of
the year Vesakha (March- April), according to our reckoning :
of the year 483 B. c. Thus on the same day 265 B. c. the year
218 A.B. would have come to an end. A month later, roughly
speaking, Asoka would be consecrated. In the month Vesakha,
247 B.C. the year 236 A.B. came to an end. In the autumn
of the same year the first coronation of Devanampiyatissa
took place. A second coronation 3 of this king was celebrated
in the following Vesakha (March- April), 246 B.C.

But there are certain statements which are not in agree-
ment with this reckoning. In a passage in the Dip.4 it is
said that Mahinda came to Ceylon 236 years after the
Nirvana. And it is said expressly that this arrival took place
on the full-moon day of the third month Jettha (April-May).5
But a new Buddha-year had begun in the preceding month.
Thus if Tissa's first consecration falls in the 237th year A.B.,
then Mahinda's arrival falls in the 238th, that is, not 236
but 237 years had elapsed since the Nirvana.

This contradiction was discovered by FLEET 6 who made an
ingenious attempt to explain it.

The full-moon day of Vesakha as the day of the Buddha's
death is open to doubt. This day recurs only too frequently
in the Buddha's life. On the other hand FLEET points out

1 On the names of the months in the Indian calendar see our transl.,
note to 1. 12.

8 Mah. 3. 2 ; Buddhaghosa in Sum. I. 610 and Smp. 2833, *. Cf. Dip.
5. 1 foil, for the same results.

3 Dip. 11. 39; Mah. 11.42.

4 Dip. 15. 71 :

dve vassasata honti chattimsa ca vassa tafcha
Mahindo nama namena jotayissati sasanam.
6 Dip. 12. 44; 17. 88 (thirty days after the second consecration !) ;
Mah. 13. 18. At Dip. 11. 40 read tato masam atikkamma. See
OLDENBERG, note on this passage.

• 'The Day on which Buddha died.1 J.E.A.S. 1909, p. 1 foil.;
particularly 6, 11, 31.

Introduction

that according to a notice in Hiuen-thsang the sect of the
Sarvastivadins puts the date of the Nirvana, contrary to the
usual statement, at the eighth day of the second half of
the eighth month of the year, Kattika (Sept. -Oct.).1 Follow-
ing this FLEET reckons the day of the Buddha's death as
falling on October 13, 483 B.C.

If we take this day as our point of departure the above-
mentioned contradiction disappears. The year 218 A.B. came
then to an end on October 13, 265, and Asoka was not
crowned in this year, but in the year 264 B.C. in the third
month.2 The year 236 A.B. ends on October 13, 247 B.C.,
a month later in the year 237 A.B. Tissa was consecrated
king ; 3 in the same year, five months later, there followed
the second 4 coronation, and yet one month later the arrival of
Mahinda in Ceylon.

We have then the following dates : —

1. October 13, 265, end of the year 218 A.B.

2. April 25, 264, Asoka's abhiseka.

3. October 13, 247, end of the year 236 A.B.

4. November 6, 247, Tissa's first coronation.

5. April 16, 246, Tissa's second coronation.

6. May 16, 246, Mahinda comes to Ceylon.

But here I must point out a difficulty which shows, to say
the least, that our sources are not always exact in their
calculation of time supposing we do not accept a variation by
even one year. The death of Mutasiva, and therefore also the
first crowning of Devanampiyatissa, we find transferred to the
seventeenth year of Asoka, in Snip. 321 l, and, as it appears,
also in Dip. 11. 14.6

1 See BEAL, Buddhist Records of the Western World, ii, p. 33 ;
STANISLAS JULIEN, Memoires, i, pp. 334-335.

2 The day, according to FLEET, is April 25. J.R.A.S. 1909, pp. 26
and 31.

s According to FLEET, L Z., p. 32, on November 6.

4 According to FLEET, 1. L, on April 16.

8 The phrasing in the Smp. Asokadhammarajassa sattara-
same vasse idha Mutasivaraja kalam akasi Devanampiya-
tisso raj jam papuni is not at all ambiguous. The Dip. expresses

Introduction

But now even if we set out from April 25, 264 (not 265)
B c. as the date of Asoka's abhiseka, the seventeenth year
is already ended on the same day of 247. Then Tissa's
coronation, as the dates 218 and 236 have already shown,
falls, without any doubt, in the eighteenth (not seventeenth)
year of Asoka.

But that notice in the Smp. is not an isolated example.
At Mah. 20. 1 the planting- of the Bodhi-tree in Anura-
dhapura is transferred to the eighteenth year of Asoka. This,
too, does not agree with the reckoning elsewhere. There
can be no doubt that that event falls in the nineteenth
year of Asoka.1 Naturally, together with that chronological
statement, other dates based upon it and given by the Maha-
vamsa 20. 2 foil, are shifted also.

It suffices to point out these discrepancies. They are merely
to show that caution is after all not out of place.

2. Further, there is an interesting date connected with the
time of VATTAGA.MANI, We have, namely, according to Mah.
33. 80-81, an interval of 217 years 10 months and 10 days
between the founding of the Mahavihara by Devanampiya-
tissa and that of the Abhayagiri-vihara by Vattagamani.2

The date of the consecration of the Mahavihara can be
exactly ascertained by the Ceylon chronology. On the full-
moon day of the month Jettha Mahinda came to Ceylon. This
was, according to FLEET'S calculation/ May 16 (246 B.C.);
A day later, on May 17, Mahinda came to the capital and

itself less clearly; however, by the words tamhi sattarase vasse
chamase ca anagate I can only understand that there were six
months still to come to complete the seventeenth year.

1 We can hardly use the passage Dip. 12. 42-43 for chronology.
But it seems to give the correct reckoning, the nineteenth year of
Asoka, for Mahinda's arrival in Ceylon.

, 2 The same date, possibly taken from the Mah., is to be found in
the Nik. Samgr., p. II16. The Mah. Tika, p. 115 (on Mah. 5. 11-13),
gives as the date of the schism of the Dhammarucika of the Abhaya-
giri the round number of 217 years after the founding of the faith in
Ceylon.

s J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 28. For the following cf. Mah. 14. 42 ; 15.
11, 24.

Introduction

spent the night in the Mahameghavana. This the king
presented to Mahinda and his companions as an arilma on the
following day, May 18, 246 B.C. This then is the day of
the founding of the Mahavihara. We are brought then to the
end of March 28 B. c. for the founding of the Abhayagiri-
vihara.

I now believe that we ought to attach special importance
precisely to those dates which state generally the interval
between two important events. The date number 218 in
connexion with Vattagamani was also known in later times.

It is implied in the number 454 of Vattagamani in the
Galvihara-Inscription of Polonnaruwa.1 For this has evidently
arisen from the addition of 236 (the date of Devanampiya-
tissa) to 218.

Moreover, there can be no doubt as to the statement in
Mah. 33. 78 foil, that the founding of the Abhayagiri-vihara
took place in the second half of the reign of Vattagamani.
Therefore I do not hesitate to place the beginning of this
second half of Vattaga manias reign at the end of the
year 29 or the beginning of the year 28 B.C.

Of course this leads us into certain difficulties when we add
up the figures of the individual reigns between Devanampiya-
tissa and Vattagamani according to the readings accepted in
my edition. From these figures it results that Vattagamani
ascended the throne for the second time in the year 39 B.C.
We have then a difference, in round numbers, of about
ten years.

This difficulty disappears if we read2 Mah. 21. 11, with
the Singhalese MSS. (duve) dvavisavassani, not with the
Burmese duve dvadasa vassani, to give thus to the Damilas
Sena and Guttika twenty -two and not twelve years' reign.
To be sure the Dip. (18. 47) has dvadasa vassani, which
certainly must be taken into account. On the other hand
the later Ceylonese literature (Thupavamsa, Pujavaliya, Raja-

1 ED. MULLER, Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, p. 87 (Sara siya
supaenaes hawuruddak). See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 330.

2 In my edition I originally accepted the former reading, however
in the ' Corrections ' (p. 368) I have given the preference to dvadasa.

c 2

XXXVI

Introduction

valiya1) only gives the number 22. In any case at the
time the Thup. was composed, according to it, the date stood
so in the Mah.

Naturally, to be consequent, we must also read Mah. 27. 6
in the prophecy concerning Dutthagamani, with the Sinhalese
MSS. cha cattalisa satam '146' or cattalisa satam
' 140 '. From the point of view of textual criticism the latter
reading seems to me to be the safer ; also I should be inclined
to believe that in this connexion a round number would be
more appropriate.

I confess that I only brought myself unwillingly to depart
from the reading of the Burmese MSS. They contain else-
where, without doubt, the better text. Perhaps we must
conclude that, in regard to Sena and Guttika, the Burmese
recension adopted the reading of the Dip. and that, in
accordance with this,' in Mah. 27. 6, also the number was
altered to chattimsasatavassani to do away with the
mistake thus caused in the addition total.

Taking as a basis the date 483 B. c. we can provisionally
draw up a list of the kings according to Dip. and Mah.2

§ 8. List of the Ancient Kings of Ceylon.

No.

Name

Dip.

Mah.

Length of Reign

Buddh.
Era
483 B.C.

Christian
Era

Dip.

Mah.

Y. M. D.

2
8

4
5

Viiaya .

9.42
11.9
10.5
10.7
11.11
11.4
11.5
(17.78)

7.74
8.5
9.25
10.52
10.105
10.106
11.4

38
1 — —
30
20
17
70
60

30
20
17
70
60

1-38
38-39
39-69
69-89
89-106
106-176
176-236

488-445
445-444
444-414
414-394
394-377
377-307
307-247

Interregnum .
Panduvasudeva
Abhaya . . .
Interregnum .
Pandukabhaya .
Mutasiva . . .

236

1 For the passages see Dip. and Mah., p. 120.

1 See FLEET'S list, J.E.A.S. 1909, p. 350. The particular aim of this Introduction
obliges me, on my side, to draw up a table to enable the reader of the translation to
take a rapid survey.

Introduction

XXXVll

No.

Name

Dip.

Mah.

Length of Reign

Buddh.
Era
483 B.C.

Christian
Era

Dip.

Mah.

Y. M. D.

6
7
8
9
10
11
12
13

14
15
16
17

20
21
22
23
24
(19)
25
26
27
28
29
30
31
32

33
34
35

36
37
38
39

Devanampiyatissa.
Uttiya . . . .

17.92
17.93
18.45
18.46

18.47

18.48
1849

18.54
20.7
20.8
20.9
20.12
20.13

20.14
20.15-17

20.19
20.22
20.24
2025

20.S6-30

20.35
21-30
21.33

21.37
21.38
21.40
21.41

20.28
20.57
21.1
21.3

21.11

21.12
21.14

(27.6)

32.35, 57
33.4
33.19
33.28
33.29

33.37
33.56-61

33.102
34.1
34.13
34.15

34.18-27

34.30
34.37
34.69

35.1
35.9
35.12
35.14
35.27

40
10
10
10

10
44

40
10
10
10

22l

10
44

236-276
276-286
286-296
296-806

306-328

328-338
338-382

382-406
406-424
424
424-433
433-439

439 2
439-454

454-466
466-480
480-492
492-495

495-499

499-521
521-549
549-561

561-571
571-574
574-575
575
575-578

B.C.

247-207
207-197
197-187
187-177

177-15o

155-145
145-101

101-77
77-59
59
59-50
50-44

44
44-29

29-17
17-3

3B.C.-9A.D.
9A.D.-12A.D.

A. D.

12 16

16-38
38-66
66-78

78-88
88-91
91-92
92
92-95

Mahasiva ....
Suratissa ....
Sena . )
Guttika \
Asela

Elara

Dutthagamani . .
Saddhatissa . . .
Thulathana . . .
Lanjatissa . . .
Khali atanaga . .
(Maharattaka) .

Vattagamani . .
Five Damilas .
Pulahattha (3 y.)
Bahiya (2 y.) . .
Panayamava (7y.)
Pilayamava (7 m.)
Da'thika (2 y.) . .
Vattagamani . .
MahacullMahatissa
Coranaga ....
Tissa

136 —

24
18
— 1 10
96 —
6
1

24
18
— 1 10

9 — 15
g

57 7 11

57 1 25

— 5 —
14 7 —

12
14
12
3
1 2 —
12 —
11 —
— 3 —
— 4 —

14 7 —

12
14
12
3
12—)
12 —
1 1 —
— 6 —
— 4 __'

Siva . . . . %
Vatuka . . .
Dai-ubhatikatissa \
Niliya ....
Anula

Kutakannatissa .
Bhatikabhaya .
Mahadathikamaha
_ -naga . . .
Amandagamani
Kanirajanutissa
Culabhaya . .
Slvali ...
Interregnum .

60 3 —

22
28
12

98 —
3
1
— 4 —

22
28
12

98 —
3
1

1 According to the Burmese MSS. only 12 years. See p. xxxv.

2 See the same figure Nik. samgr. 1014.

XXXV11L

Introduction

Length of Eeign

Buddh.

Name

Dip.

Mah.

Dip.

Mah.

Era
483 B. c.

Christian
Era

Y. M. D.

Ijanaga ....

21.43

35.45

578-584

95-101

Candamukhasiva .

21.45

35.46

87 —

584-593

101-110

Yasalalakatissa . .

21.46

35.50

87 —

78 —

593-601

110-118

Subharaja . . .

21.48

35.56

601-607

118-124

Vasabha ....

22.11

35.100

607-651

124-168

Vaiikanasikatissa .

22.12,27

35.112

651-654

168-171'

Gajabahukagamani

22.14, 28

35115

654-676

171-193

Mahallanaga . *.

22.17, 29

35.123

676-682

193-199

180 2 —

182 3 —

Bhatikatissa .

22.22, 30

36.1

682-706

199-223

Kanitthatissa

22.25, 31

36.6

706-724

223-241

Khujjanaga .

22.32

36.18

724-726

241-243

Kuficanaga .

22.33

36.19

726-727

243-244

Sirinaga I

22.36

36.23

727-746

244-263

Voharikatissa l

22.45

36.27

746-768

263-285

Abhayanaga l

22.38

36.51

768-776

285-293

Sirinaga II .

22.46

36.54

776-778

293-295

Vijayakumara

22.51

36.57

778-779

295-296

Samghatissa .

22.52

36.64

779-783

296-300

Samghabodhi

22.53

36.73

783-785

300-302

Gothakabhaya

22.60

36.98

785-798

302-315

Jetthatissa .

22.65

36.132

798-808

315-325

Mahasena. .

22.66

37.1

808-835

325-352

167

153

Total sum . .

836 9 11

834 7 25

No.

40
41
42
43
44
45

48
49
50
51
52
53
54
55
56
57
58
59
60

Of course the dates set down can only be regarded as
having an approximate value. For the Chronicles, mostly,
give the reign of each individual king rounded off in whole
years. Rajavali and Pujavali reckon the sum total at 844
years, 9 months 25 days, the Nikayasamgraha reckons the
time up to Mahasena's accession at 818, and thus the time
up to his death at 845 years.2

1 The Dip. places Abhayanaga before Voharikatissa. This appears
to be the cause of the mistake in the figures. The same length of
reign is ascribed to Voharikatissa as to his predecessor, who is really
his successor. According to Nik. samgr. 129 Voharikatissa ascended
the throne 752 years, 4 months 10 days after the Buddha's death.

2 Rajavali, ed. B. GUNASEKARA, p. 4222 ; Pujav., ed. idem, p. 23SO ;
Nik. S., ed. WICKHEMASINGHE, p. 14l°.

Introduction

From Devanampiyatissa to Mahasena's death 609 years
elapsed, according to the later sources.1 But this only proves
that the accession of the former should be dated 236 A.B.
(609 + 236 = 845), but naturally nothing can be deduced from
this statement to aid us in dating the Nirvana itself.

I will now supplement my list with the names and dates
of the immediate successors of Mahasena : — 2

62. Siri-Meghavanna 27 years 352-379 A. D.

63. Jetthatissa 9 „ 379-388 „

64. Buddhadasa 28 „ 388-416 „

65. Upatissa 42 „ 416-458 „

66. Mahanama 22 ,, 458-480 „
67- ( Sotthisena to ) oq , r,n ^ AQ

75. jPithiya W »

76. Dhatusena 18 „ 509-527 ,,

77. Kassapa 17 „ 527-544 „

For this later period we now have an interesting Indian-
Ceylonese synchronism which appears to confirm the reckon-
ing having as point of departure 483 B.C.

SYLVAIN LEVIS has communicated the following passage
from the account of the Chinese Wang Hiuen ts'e. The
king of Cheu-tzeu (i. e. Ceylon), by name Chi-mi-kia-po-mo
(i. e. Sri-Meghavarman *), sent two bhiksus to India to the
monastery erected by Asoka near the sacred tree of the
Buddha in Bodh Gay a. They found no lodging here and
subsequently told their king. He sent an embassy to the
king then ruling over India, San-meou-to-lo-kiu-to (i. e. Samu-
dragupta), and sought permission to build on the sacred spot
a monastery for Ceylonese pilgrims. Thus the synchronism
of king Siri-Meghavanna, the successor of Mahasena, with
Samudragupta is confirmed. The latter, according to

1 See Epigr. Zeyl. i, p. 143.

2 Cf. Culav. 37. 99, 104, 178, 208, 247 (according to the numbering of
the Colombo edition of 1877: Mah. 37. 49, 54, 128, 158, 197); 38. 1,
112 ; 39. 58. As to numbers 62, 64, 77, it is said that they died in the
twenty-eighth (or twenty-ninth or eighteenth) year. So it is possible
that the dates have again been made later by one year.

3 Journ. As. 1900, pp. 316 foil., 401 foil.

4 The form of this name, as given by the Chinese narrator, results
from a confusion between varna and varman.

xl Introduction

V. SMITH,1 reigned from 326 to (about) 375, the former,
according to our reckoning1, from 483 as the year of the
Nirvana 352-379 A.D.

According to Chinese sources 2 another embassy came from
Ceylon to China, sent by king Kia-che, i. e. Kasyapa, in the
year 527 A. D. Evidently this is a reference to Kassapa I whose
reign, according to my list, did in fact begin about 527.

§ 9. The Indian Kings from Bimbisara to Asoka.

In the table on the next page I have brought together
the names of the kings from Bimbisara, the contemporary of
the Buddha, to Asoka, according to the Ceylonese, the
Burmese, the Nepalese, and the Jaina tradition. On this I will
first make the following observations.

The BURMESE TRADITION 3 is undoubtedly dependent on the
CEYLONESE, as represented by Dip. and Mah. Buddhaghosa 4
is also in complete agreement with the Mah. He certainly
ascribes a reign of eighteen instead of eight years to Anuruddha
and Munda, but the sum total of the reigns of all the kings
reckoned up by him at the conclusion is only correct if we
alter that eighteen to eight.

The NEPALESE list of the Asoka vadana5 comes perhaps
midway between the Ceylonese and the Jaina tradition. It
is specially remarkable that in this too appears the name of

1 Early History of India, p. 266 foil. (of. Ind. Ant. 1902, p. 257).
See also FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p, 343.

2 SYLVAIN LE.VI, I I., p. 42:3 foil. Cf. now also E. R. AYRTON,
J.R.A.S. 1911, p. 1142, on a new fact which speaks in favour of the
reckoning from 483 B.C. On the other hand a difficulty presents
itself with respect to the embassy of Mo4io-nan (i. e. Mahanama) to
China in the year 428 A.D. (SYLV. LEVI, pp. 412, 421). At the time
there reigned in Ceylon not Mahanama but his elder brother
Upatissa II. The former did not ascend the throne till 458 A.D.

3 See on this BIGAFDET, The Life or Legend of Gaudama the
Buddha (1866), pp. 347, 361-363, 371-372, 374-375.

4 Smp. 32 13 foil. Cf. also Sum. 15322 foil., where the kings from
Bimbisara to Nagadasa are enumerated.

6 Cf. BURNOUF, Introduction a Vhistoire du Bouddhisme Indien,
pp. 358-359, It is noteworthy that the name of Candragupta is
missing.

0
•**

O O

1-*

\n o

01 CO

03
M , C fl ,.* 03

Puranas

M
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Kakavarna
semadharm

12 2 S8S*.S! sSU

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TABLJ

Burmese tr

Bimbisar

Ajatassatt
Udayabhac

*^H rrt hr _M CD ^ ^ "-"" "^

sf 1 t 1 1? n a

g§' •§ g JS ^M §M^

g* I 1 a J? iss

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eS p 03

Bindusar
Asoka

CO S

CO •<* CO CO Ol Ol -^
01 i-t 01 01 01 01

CO t>

01 CO

Mahavamsa

15 os

S!l:

N8 QJ «(

"-5~_x73

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Bindusara

(5. 18)
Asoka
(20. 1-6)

01 «0

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o. t**

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73 "~| S .

s-i

^H W Q

xlii Introduction

Munda whom the Jainas do not know but who is mentioned
in the Ahguttara-Nikaya.1 Thus the Ceylonese tradition is
in this point confirmed by the Northern tradition.

The JAINA list is based on the Parisistaparvan of Hema-
candra.2 It is, I think, generally admitted 3 that in this list
Srenika and Kunika correspond to the Bimbisara and Ajata-
sattu of the Pali sources. On the other hand the names from
Anuruddha-Munda downwards to the Nandas are missing-.
But among these names those of both Munda and Kalasoka are
well established by other testimony, as we shall see presently.

The PURANIC list has the series Bimbisara-Ajatasatru-
Udayin ( = Udayabhadda) in common with the Ceylonese.
But the Puranas insert yet another king before the last-
named, and the Ceylonese Chronicles place those three kings
at the head of the whole list; the Puranas range the
corresponding four kings in the second half of the list.
Moreover, I cannot say that the Purana list inspires me
with much confidence. The tradition as to individual names
is very unstable in the different Puranas. The same is the
case with the dates of the individual reigns, although the
totals agree fairly well.4

The question then arises : which list merits the most
confidence, the Ceylonese, the Jaina, or that of the Puranas ?
JACOBI 5 is disposed to give the preference to the Jaina list.
He adheres to the view that Kalasoka, 'the black Asoka/
and Kakavarnin (Kakavarna), 'the crow-coloured/ are one
and the same person. That is certainly correct and is con-
firmed by the fact that Kalasoka in the Pali sources is named

1 A. III. 5723 foil. OLDENBERG has already, Z.D.M.G. 34 (1880),
p. 752, stated this fact.

2 Ed. JACOBI (Bibl Ind.}, I. 22 foil. ; VI. 22 foil., 231 foil. ; VIII. 1
foil., 297 foil. ; IX. 14 foil.

8 JACOBI, The Kalpasutra of Bhadrabdhu (Abhandl. fur die Kunde
des Morgenl. vii. 1), Introduction, p. 2. The combination Srenika
= Bimbisara occurs ROCKHILL, Life of Buddha (1907), p. 67.

4 See MABEL DUFF, The Chronology of India, Table to p. 322.

5 The Kalpasutra, Introd. ; also Z. D. M. G. 34, pp. 185-186. Cf.
OLDENBERG, Z. D. M. G. 34, p. 750 foil. ; and further, JACOBI, Z. D. M. G.
35, p. 667 foil.

Introduction xliii

as the successor of Susunaga and Kakavarna in the Puranas
as the successor of Sisunaga.1 Here at least the Southern
and the Northern tradition are in agreement.

JACOBI moreover believes Kakavarnin = Kalasoka to be
identical with the Udayin of the Jaina tradition, the Udaya-
bhadda 2 of the Southern Buddhist sources. The ground for
his belief is that it is said of both Udayin and Kalasoka that
they removed the royal residence from Rajagrha to Patali-
putra. He believes that the Ceylonese tradition has made
two kings out of one person, has inserted various new kings
between them and has thus artificially filled up the gap
of 100 years which, according to the Ceylonese view, had
elapsed between the Nirvana and the Second Council. The list
of kings as finally drawn up by JACOBI is this : —

Bimbisara (orenika).

Ajatasatru (Kunika).

Munda ( = Darsaka, Harsaka, &c.).

Udayin (Kalasoka, Kakavarnin).

Nanda dynasty.

I confess that, in agreement with OLDENBERG,3 I do not
feel convinced by JACOBI'S grounds for identifying Kalasoka
with Udayin. The removal of the residence from Rajagrha
to Pataliputra is attributed to Udayin by the Jainas,4 and by
the Brahmans (in the Puranas), to Kalasoka in the Burmese
tradition 5 which, beyond a doubt, comes from Ceylon. Hiuen-
thsang attributes it to king Asoka whose lifetime he places
a hundred years after the Nirvana. He does in fact know
only ONE Asoka whom he names Wu-yau, or, as rendered once
phonetically, 'O-shu-kia.6 But to all appearance he combined

1 The identification of Kalasoka with Kakavarna has not been taken
into account by V. A. SMITH (J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 839 foil.), who com-
pletely denies the existence of Kalasoka.

2 The name is written Udayibhadda, Mah. 4. 1, 2 in the
Sinhalese MSS. The same in D. I. 5025 foil.

3 Z.D.M. £.34, p. 751 foil.

4 Parisistaparvan, VI. 33 foil., 175 foil.

5 See RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist Suttas (S. B. E. xi), Introd., p. xiii.

6 BEAL, Buddhist Records, ii, p. 85 foil. ; ST. JULIEN, Memoires, i,
p. 414 foil.

Introduction

two different kings in one person. For if he attributes the
founding of Pataliputra to an Asoka, this cannot possibly fit
in with the historical Dharmasoka of the third century B.C.
For we know that Pataliputra was already, under Candra-
gupta, the capital of the country. Thus when Hiuen-thsang
says that 'O-shu-kia l or Wu-yau founded the city of Patali-
putra he repeated a tradition which originally referred not to
the Asoka of the third century but to an earlier king, who
must have lived before Candragupta.

I shall return once more to this subject. Here I will only
observe that Hiuen-thsang, in any case with respect to the
removal of the royal residence, is against the tradition of the
Jainas and nearer to the Burmese. We can say then that
the removal is attributed by the Jainas and Brahmans to
Udayin, by the Buddhists to Kalasoka.

Is really the only solution to conclude that the two names
were one and the same person ? May it not be conjectured
with equal or yet more probability that we have here simply
a difference in the tradition among the Jainas and Brahmans
on the one hand and the Buddhists on the other? Besides
even in the Brahmanic tradition Kakavarna = Kalasoka and
Udayin are again two different personages. Here then the
same duplication must have occurred as in the Southern
Buddhist tradition. It becomes therefore the more difficult
to accept JACOBI'S hypothesis. It seems greatly preferable to
conclude that the Jaina list is defective. In this list Munda
too is missing, who seems to be sufficiently established by the
Asokavadana and the mention in the Ariguttara-Nikaya.

If finally the choice lies between the list of the Puranas and
that of the Ceylonese Chronicles, which seems to be more
probable and trustworthy, I do not hesitate to give the
preference wholly and unreservedly to the latter.

In the Puranas, Nandivardhana and Mahanandin 2 must

1 The former in BEAL, p. 90, the latter p. 85. Both names are thus
used indifferently in connexion with the same event. This proves
that we ought not to conclude, with OLDENBERG (Vin. Pit. i,
Introd., p. xxxiii, n. 1), that the two names represent a remembrance
of two different Asokas.

2 It seems that Nandivardhana is to represent the ten sons of Kala-

Introduction xlv

fill up some gap or other in the chronology. The reigns of
these two together are put down at eighty-five years ! But
no deeds whatever are recorded.1

Again, in the Puranas yet another king, called Darsaka, &c.,
is inserted between Ajatasatru and Udayin. That is certainly
an error. The Pali canon indubitably asserts,2 that Udayi-
bhadda was the son of Ajatasattu and probably also his
successor. Otherwise the reign of the father and son would
extend over eighty-three years.

Moreover that the two generations of the Nanda, namely
Mahapadma and his eight sons, together reigned for a century
is a statement that does not bear the stamp of probability.

The chief difference between the Puranas and the Ceylonese
sources lies in the place taken by Kalasoka (Kakavarna) and
his father. In the former they are placed at the head of the
whole dynasty, in the latter they are ranged after Bimbisara
and Ajatasattu and their immediate successors. Thus, before
all, the question is which of the two traditions we decide to
accept and whether any reasons can be adduced for our
decision.

Now we see that the tradition of Ceylon in its details
always finds support from without. Its greater fullness of
detail, generally speaking, as against the Jaina list finds
a parallel in the Puranas.3 In this respect the Southern
Buddhist and Brahmanic traditions support each other.

In all forms the tradition as to the series is well estab-
lished: nineNandas — Candragupta — Bindusara — Asoka. The
succession Bimbisara — Ajatasattu — Udayabhadda is confirmed
by the Jaina list and the Asokavadana. Munda, entirely
absent from the Jaina list and the Puranas, is named in the

soka. At least the Mahdbodhivamsa (ed. STRONG, p. 98) includes a
prince of this name among them. Mahanandin looks like a duplicate
of Nandivardhana.

1 Even V. A. SMITH, Early Histot-y of India, p. 36, has to admit that
they are mere ' nominis umbrae '.

2 In the Sdmannaphala-suUanta, D. I. 5025 foil. The same accord-
ing to the Tibetan tradition. ROCKHILL, Life of Buddha (1907), p. 91.

3 Also in Tibetan sources. See note to the Table.

xlvi

Introduction

Buddhistic canon and in the Asokavadana. And in the same
way the Asokavadana puts Kakavarnin AFTER Udayin and
Munda as the Ceylon Chronicles place their Kalasoka, not
BEFORE them as the Puranas place their Kakavarna.

Thus the greater probability seems to be in favour of placing
Kakavarna and with him naturally his father Sisunaga in
the second half of the series of kings, not in the first.

I believe then that with respect also to the series of Indian
kings before Asoka, the Ceylonese tradition is more valuable
than that of the Brahmans and Jainas. The last-named is
certainly defective. But as to the Puranas I am compelled
to think that when the dynasty before Candragupta had once
received the name 6aisunaga, then in order to exalt its great-
ness and antiquity, the eponymos and his immediate successors,
including Bimbisara and his successors, were placed at the
head of the whole series of kings. This would end in a
reversal in the order of the first and second half.

At the present time greater stress is laid, and with justice,
on the importance of research in Northern Buddhism.1 It is
most important for the understanding of the development of
Buddhism. Still I believe that if we wish to learn the origins
of Buddhism, and especially the history of those origins, we
shall have to draw chiefly upon the Pali sources.

The dates of the Indian kings according to the Southern
Buddhist tradition are the following :—

(1) Bimbisara2

2. Ajatasattu

3. Udayabhadda

4. Anuruddha)

5. Munda j
tf. Nagadasaka

7. Susunaga

8. Kalasoka

9. Ten sons of Kalasoka

11. Nine Nandas

12. Candagutta

13. Bindusara

14. Asoka (a) before and
(b) after the abhiseka

1 Cf. e. g. WALLESER, Z.D.M. G. 1910, p. 238, in a discussion of
DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN'S Bouddhisme.

* As to the chronological relation between Bimbisara and the

B.B

60— B.B

. 8

B.C. 543— B.C

491

8 -A.B

.24

„ 491—

459

A.B. 24— A.B

.40

„ 459—

9 J

443

9 9

40- „

1 „ 443-

435

48- „

„ 435-

411

72— „

„ 411-

393

90- ,

118

„ 393-

365

118— ,

140

„ 365-

343

140- ,

162

„ 343—

321

162- ,

186

„ 321-

297

186- ,

214

„ 297-

269

214- ,

219

„ 269-

264

219- ,

256

„ 264-

227

Introduction

§ 10. The Acariyaparampara and Indian-Ceylonese
synchronisms.

In the chronological system on which the Dip. and Mah.
are based the succession of the great teachers from Upali
down ta Mahinda plays an important part. This acariya-
parampara is of interest because in it there is a continuous
synchronological connexion between the history of Ceylon
and that of India. Here the system appears carried out in
detail and completed.1

Of course the dates must not be considered altogether
authentic. Besides, for the most part they fall within the
most uncertain period of Indian-Ceylonese history, before the
accession of Devanampiyatissa. They only show how in
Ceylon the several names and events of tradition were fitted
into the framework of the few well-established leading dates.

It seems doubtful too that the theras mentioned, with the
exception of Upali and Moggaliputtatissa, were Vinaya-
pamokkha if indeed this should be taken to mean one
having recognized authority in the Church.

Sonaka did not even take part in the Second Council which
took place in his time. The leading personages in this were
Revata, Sabbakami, Sambhuta Sanavasi and Yasa. Evidently
it was only a question of proving that the ' Succession of
Teachers' of Mahinda could be traced back to Upali, the
great authority in the Vinaya at the time of the Buddha.

The list is as follows : —

Buddha more precise statements are furnished by Dip. 3. 56 foil, and
Mah. 2. 28 foil. According to these the two met for the first time when
the Buddha was thirty-five and Bimbisara thirty years of age, i.e.
528 B.C. This was the year 15 of Bimbisara's reign. After that Bim-
bisara reigned yet another thirty-seven years (till 491 B. c.). He was suc-
ceeded by Ajatasattu. Eight years after his accession the Buddha died.
1 See NORMAN, J.E.A.S. 1908, pp. 5-6. The list of the patriarchs
according to the Northern tradition is quite different. In this the
succession is : (1) Kasyapa, who presided over the First Council :
(2) Ananda ; (3) Sanakavasa ; (4) Upagupta, the president of the
Second Council ; (5) Daitika or Dhitika ; (6) Kala, who was principally
concerned in the conversion of Ceylon. See BEAL, 'Succession of
Buddhist Patriarchs1 (Ind. Ant. ix, 1880, p. 148 foil..).

xlviii Introduction

1. UPALi.1 (a) At the time of the Buddha's death (483 B. c.)
he had completed forty-four years from his upasampada.
So we should have for this last the date 527 B.C. Buddha's
death, according to tradition, coincides in time with the coming
of Vijaya to Ceylon and with the 8th year of Ajatasattu.
Vijaya dies in the 14th year of Udayabhadda, i.e. 446 B.C., in
the 16th year of the same king, i.e. 444 B.C., Panduvasudeva
is crowned king in Ceylon.2

(b) Upali after the Buddha's death becomes Chief of the
Vinaya and remains so for thirty years. The sum total of
his years, reckoned from the upasampada, amounts to
seventy-four. He dies therefore 453 B.C. after, as Dip. 4. 38
says, Udaya had reigned six years.

2. DASAKA.3 (a) He is ordained by Upali, when the latter
has completed sixty years of his priesthood, or sixteen years
after the Buddha's death, i.e. 467 B.C. This agrees with the
statement that it happened in the year 24 of Ajatasattu and in
the year 16 of Vijaya. According to Mah. 5. 106 he was then
twelve years old, thus the year of his birth was 479 B. c.

(3) Dasaka is (after Upali) for fifty years Chief of the
Vinaya, i. e. he dies 403 B. c., or according to the Dip., in the
year 8 of Susunaga. In Ceylon meanwhile (Dip. 11. 10)
Panduvasudeva has died in the year 21 of Nagadasaka, i.e.
414 B. c., and Abhaya has been crowned king.

3. SoNAKA.4 (a) He is ordained a priest by Dasaka when
the latter has completed forty-five years from his upasam-
pada, therefore 422 B.C. Thus according to Dip. 4. 41.
But according to Dip. 5. 78 Dasaka had only been forty years
a priest when Sonaka was ordained by him. This brings us to
427 B. c. Here therefore the tradition is uncertain. It also
points to the year 10 of Nagadasa or the year 20 of Panduva-
sudeva as the year of Sonaka's ordination, i. e. 425 or 424 B.C.

1 Dip. 4. 34, 38 ; 5. 76, 95, 103.

2 Dip. 11. 8. The number of years of Vijaya's reign (38) brings us
to 445 as the year of his death. The length of the interregnum is
given Dip. 11. 9, Mah. 8. 5, as one year.

3 Dip. 4. 27-28, 43; 5. 91, 95, 96, 98, 104.

4 Dip. 4. 41 ; 5. 78, 79, 92, 95, 96, 99, 105.

Introduction

(b) Sonaka is Chief of the Vinaya for forty-four years and a
priest for sixty-six years. Since Dasaka died 403 B. c. Sonaka's
death would fall in 359 B. c. This would bring us again to 425
as the year of ordination. The statement that Sonaka died
in the year 6 of the reign of Asoka's sons points also to
359 B.C. as the year of his death. The most probable date of
Sonaka's ordination is, however, 423 or 422 B.C., as we shall
see from Siggava's chronology. According to Mah. 5. 115
Sonaka was fifteen years old when he met Dasaka. He was
therefore born in 438 or 437 B.C. In Ceylon 1 the year 11 of
the interregnum between Abhaya and Pandukabhaya corre-
sponds to the year 10 of Kalasoka (=383 B.C.) and the year
58 of Pandukabhaya to the year 2 of Candagutta (=319 B.C.).

4. SIGGAVA .2 (a) Sonaka confers ordination on Siggava
forty years after his own upasampada. At that time
Kalasoka had reigned ten years and half a month. In Ceylon
eleven and a half years of the interregnum after Abhaya had
elapsed. Thus we come to the year 383 (or 382) B. c. and to
the year 423 (or 422) as the year of Sonaka's upasampada.

(b) Siggava is a priest for seventy-six years and dies in the
year 14 of Candagutta. This coincides with the year 307 B. c.
There must be an error in the statement that he was head of
the Church for fifty-five years. Since Sonaka's death may be
reckoned with all probability as occurring in the year 359,
Siggava, if he died in 307, can only have held this office fifty-
two years.

The year of Siggava's birth, since he was eighteen years
old at the time of his meeting with Sonaka (Mah. 5. 120),
falls in the year 401 B.C.

5. (a) MoGGALiPUTTATissA.3 He is ordained by Siggava
sixty-four years after the latter's upasampada, in the year 2

i Dip. 5. 69, 81 ; 5. 80.

3 Dip. 4. 44-46 (cf. with this the note in OLDENBERG'S edition) ;
5. 73, 95, 96, 106.

3 Dip. 5. 69, 81, 95, 96, 101, 107. Relics of (Moggaliputta)tissa,
attested by an inscription, have been found in the Sanchi-tope no. 2,
See CUNNINGHAM, Bliilsa Topes, p. 289.

Introduction

of Candagutta and 58 of Pakundaka (i. e. Pandukabhaya),
therefore 319 B.C.

(b) He is Chief of the Vinaya for sixty-eight years after
Siggava and dies eighty years after ordination, twenty-six years
after Asoka's abhiseka ( = 264 B.C.). The first two statements
accord with 239 B.C., the last with 238 B.C. However, if we
place the consecration of Asoka as early as the year 265,
which results (see above, p. xxxii) from dating the Buddha's
death on the full-moon day of Vesakha, then even according
to this reckoning Moggaliputta's death should be placed at
239 B.C.

6. MAHINDA.1 (a) Mo^galiputta ordains Mahinda in the
year 6 of Asoka, (reckoned from the abhiseka) or the year 48
of Mutasiva. This brings us, in both cases, if we take the spring
of 265 as that of Asoka' s abhiseka, to the time between the
spring of 259 and 258. Mahinda was born2 204 A.B. i.e.
279 B. c., thus he was ordained at the age of twenty.

Mahinda comes to Ceylon twelve and a half years after his
ordination and eighteen years after Asoka' s abhiseka,3 as we
have already seen, in the spring 246 B.C.

(I) He dies in the year 8 of Uttiya's reign and on the 8th
day of the bright half of the month Assayuja.4 The year of
his death is therefore 199 B.C.

I. ACAEIYAPARAMPARA.

Priest

Chief of
Vinaya

1. Upali . . .

44 B.B.— 30 A.B. = 527 B.C.— 453 B

from 1 A.B.

2. Dasaka . .

30 A

B.-94 ,

= 467

—403 ,

.. 30 „

3. Sonaka . .

60 ,

-124,

= 423

-359 ,

„ 94 „

4. Siggava . .

100,

-176,

= 383

-307 ,

» 124 „

5. Moggaliputta

164,

-244,

= 319

-239 ,

„ 176 „

6. Mahinda .

224,

-284,

= 259

-199 ,

1 Dip. 5. 82. The time between the ordination of Moggaliputta
and that of Mahinda is here stated to be sixty-six years. It would
be correct to say sixty, as OLDEXBERG has already observed.

2 Dip. 6. 20 foil. ; 7. 21-22 ; Mah. 5. 209.

3 Dip. 12.42; Mah. 13.1,5.

4 Dip. 17. 93, 95 ; Mah. 20. 32-33.

Introduction

II. CEYLONESE AND INDIAN SYNCHRONISMS

Year of Ceylon King

Year of Indian

King

Year of Christian Era

Vijaya 1 =

Ajatasattu

483 B C.

16 =

467

37 =

Udayabhadda

446

Panduvasudeva 1 =

>»

444

20 =

Nagadasaka

425/4

Abhaya

414

Interregnum 11 =

Kalasoka

383

Pandukabhaya 58 =

Candagutta

819

Mutasiva 1 =

307

, 48 =

Asoka

259

§ 11. The Buddhist Councils.

According to the Southern Buddhist tradition three Councils,
as is known, took place, the first immediately after the death of
the Buddha, the second a hundred years later under Kalasoka, the
third 236 years after the Nirvana in the reign of Dhammasoka.

There has been repeated discussion, especially in recent
times, as to the authenticity or non-authenticity of the
history of the Councils.1 I am not able, within the limits
of this introduction, to go into all the details. I will rather
restrict myself, in the first place, to a resume of that which is
recorded in the Pali sources as to the Councils. By way of
comparison I will then indicate the most important statements
of the Northern Buddhist tradition. Finally, I will endeavour
to extract the historical kernel which, in my opinion, is con-
tained in the Ceylonese tradition concerning- those events.

1 I would refer chiefly to MINAYEFF, Recherches sur le Bouddhisme,
p. 13 foil. ; OLDENBERG, ' Buddhistische Studied Z.D.M.G. 52, p. 613
foil. ; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 101 foil. ; V. A. SMITH
J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 842 foil.; L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN, 'Les pre-
miers Conciles (bouddhiques),' Le Muston, N.S. 6. 1905, p. 213 foil,
(cf. ' The Buddhist Councils,' Ind. Ant. 1908, pp. 1 foil., 81 foil.) ;
R. 0. FRANKE, 'The Buddhist Councils at Rajaeaha and VesalT,'
J.P.T.S. 1908, p. 1 foil. ; RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues of the Buddha, ii. 76,
77. The Chinese accounts of the First Council have been brought
together by SUZUKI, ' The first Buddhist Council/ in theMonist, xiv. 2,
1904, p. 253 foil.

lii Introduction

I can only incidentally, where it appears to me to be
absolutely necessary, take up a position with regard to views
of other inquirers, and must avoid many explanations which
suggest themselves, in order not to overstep the space allotted
to me.

First, with regard to the SOUTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES for
the history of the Councils, the principal, both in age and
importance, are Khandhaka XI and XII of the Cullavagga in
the Vinaya-Pilaka l which deal with the First and Second
Council.

Then follow the Dip. and Mah. with accounts of the three
Councils 2 and also the historical Introduction to Buddha-
ghosa's Samantapasadika.3 Moreover, Buddhaghosa treats of
the First Council, frequently with the same wording, in the
Introduction to his Sumahgalavilasinl.4 As secondary sources
we may mention the Mahabodhivamsa fi and Sasanavamsa,6
and also in the Sinhalese language principally the Nikaya-
Samgraha.7

The NORTHERN BUDDHIST ACCOUNTS will be mentioned in
treating of the several Councils.

The First Council.

The account in C.V. is this :

Mahakassapa, travelling with his disciples from Pava to
Kusinara, hears of the death of the Buddha. The monks are
profoundly grieved, but Subhadda comforts them with the
frivolous utterance that they can now do what they will, and
that they are freed from an irksome control.

Thereupon Mahakassapa proposes to undertake a samglti
of the Dhamma and the Vinaya, that the doctrine may thus

OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. ii, p. 284 foil. Cf.S.B.E. xx, p. 370 foil.
GEIGEB, Dtp. and Mah. p. 108 foil. In the Dip. there is a double
account of each Council.

See OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. in, p. 283 foil.
Ed. RHYS DAVIDS and CARPENTER, i. (P.T.S. 1886), p. 2 foil.
Ed. STRONG (P.T.S. 1891), p. 85 foil.
Ed. M. BODE (P.T.S. 1897s p. 3 foil.
7 Ed. WICKREMASINGHE, 1890, pp. 3, 4, 8.

Introduction l"i

be kept pure. To this end 500 monks are chosen, among
whom, by the wish of the assembly, is Ananda, though he is
not yet an Arahant.

The Council takes place in Rajagaha and passes off in the
manner described in the Mah.

Some points are to be added from the C.V. namely :

(1) Ananda relates that the Buddha had, in his presence,
declared the community of monks empowered after his death
to do away with the less important precepts,1 if they wished.
Since they are not able to agree in deciding what is to be
understood by this expression, they resolve not to do away with
any precept.

(2) Certain reproaches are cast upon Ananda, Although
he is not conscious of any fault he acknowledges himself guilty
from respect for the Assembly.

(3) The thera Purana enters Rajagaha. He is called upon
to take part in the work of the Assembly. He renders due
acknowledgment to this work but prefers to hold by that
which he himself has heard from the Master's lips.

(4) Ananda further relates how the Buddha, before his
death, had also pronounced the monk Channa liable to the
brahmadanda penance. The fulfilling of this duty is en-
trusted to Ananda. Channa is deeply troubled. With zealous
endeavour he attains to arahantship, upon which the penance
is remitted.2

As regards the time at which the First Council was held, the
Dip. 1. 24 ; 5. 4 mentions the fourth month after the Master's
death. This was the second Vassa-month, i.e. Savana, the
fifth month of the year.3

This reckoning is based on the tradition according to which
the Buddha died on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha.

Buddhaghosa and the Mah. agree with this statement.4
The latter certainly mentions the bright half of Asalha the

1 Khuddanukhuddakani sikkhapadani. SeeMahaparinib-
banasutta, D. II. 154.

2 I omit the episode of Udena, C.V. XL 13-14.

3 See M.V. III. 2. 2 (OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. 137).

4 Smp. 28532 35, 28634; Sum. 610 20, 814 15;'Mah. 3. 14-16.

liv Introduction

fourth month of the year l as the beginning of the Council,
but adds that the first month was spent in preparations, thus
the proceeding did not begin till the month Savana.

It is an obviously later addition which we find in the Sum.,
that not only the Vinaya and the Dhamma, in all their
details, but also the Abhidhamma are established at the First
Council.

The same is found in the later tradition.

Among the NORTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES dealing with
the First Council I mention the Mahavastu.2 Here, in
agreement with the Southern tradition Kasyapa is given as
the originator of the Council, the number of the bhiksus
taking part in it is stated to be 500 and the place the Sapta-
parna grotto near Rajagrha.

There is, besides, an account in the second volume of the
Dulva, the Tibetan Vinaya of the Sarvastivadin sect.3 The
fixing of the Canon took place, according to this source, in
the following order : (1) Dharma, by Ananda ; (2) Vinaya, by
Upali; (3) Matrka (i.e. Abhidharma) by Mahakasyapa himself.
It is worthy of remark that the Dulva puts the accusations
brought against Ananda in the time before the beginning of
the proceedings, thus before his attainment of arahantship.

Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang4 also mention the First Council.
The former gives the number of the bhiksus as 500, the latter
as 1,000; the former speaks in a general way of ' a collec-
tion of sacred books', the latter expressly mentions also the
redaction of the Abhidharma by Mahakasyapa.

The Second Council.

According to C.V. XII. the Second Council takes place
100 years after the Buddha's death, and is brought about
by the das a vatthuni5 of the Vajji monks of Vesull, which

1 The full moon of Asalha of the year 483 fell, according to
JACOBI'S reckoning (see FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 20) on June 24.

2 Ed. SEN ART, i, p. 69 foil.

3 See ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha (1907), p. 148 foil.

4 BEAL, Buddhist Records, i, pp. Ix-lxi ; ii, pp. 162-164 ; LEGGE,
Records of Buddhistic Kingdoms, p. 85.

5 On these ten points, according to the Pali-tradition, see below in

Introduction lv

signified a relaxing of monastic discipline. In the further
course of its narrative, too, the C.V. agrees with the Mah. and
the rest of the SOUTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES. The contrast
comes out distinctly between the city-dwelling monks of
Vesalland the Arahants living in solitary retreat (arannaka,
Vin. II. 2995) and of strict tendencies.

Yasa's speech in presence of the Yesalian upasakas is given
in full extent. The disciple of Revata, whom the Vajji monks
bring over to their side (Mah. 4. 30) is called Uttara. It
is also characteristic that the orthodox monks before they
undertake the refutation of the heresies first assure them-
selves of the consent of Sabbakami, the Samghathera at
that time.1

The number of those taking part in the Council is given
unanimously as 700.2 The Dip. and the Mah. set the time of the
Council in the eleventh year of the reign of Kalasoka ( = 383-
382 B.C.), later documents put it in the tenth year.3 The locality
is generally considered to be the Valikarama.4 Only the Dip,
(5. 29) mentions the Kutagarasala of the Mahavana monastery,
I do not think we need attach any importance to this dis-
crepancy, which probably takes its rise in some misunder-
standing.

Still it is of importance that the Dip. 5. 30 foil, states,
to complete the narrative, that the heretical monks held a
separate Council, called Mahasamglti, and that they here

the Translation, note to 4. 9. See for further observations L. DE LA
VALLEE POUSSIN, Le Museon, N.S. vi (1905), p. 276 foil. ; hid. Ant.
37 (1908), p. 88 foil.

1 C.V. XII. 2. 4-6 = Vin. II, p. 30319 foil.

2 C.V. XII. 2. 9 (= Vin. II. 307s5) ; Dip. 4. 52 ; Mah. 4. 62 ; Smp.
2947. But when the Dip. 5. 20 speaks of 1,200,000 who took part in
the Council it does not contradict itself in this. By this naturally
exaggerated number the Dip. means those who took part in the
General Assembly. Mah. 4. 60 and Smp. 2949 give for this the
same number.

3 Dip. 4. 44, 47 ; Mah. 4. 8. Cf. Mahabodhiv. 966 ; Sasanav. 71 3 ; Nik.
Samgr. 4".

4 Mah. 4. 50, 63 ; Smp. 9415 ; Mahabodhiv. 9620 ; Sasanav. 613 ; Nik.
Samgr. 64.

Ivi Introduction

made out a different redaction of the Canonical Scriptures.
With this may be compared the brief notice in Mah. 5. 3-4,
according to which the heretical monks of the Second Council,
under the name Mahasamghika, formed a separate sect, as the
first branching-off from the orthodox doctrine.

In the NORTHERN TRADITION we have accounts of the
second Council in the Dulva,1 from the Tibetan historian
Taranatha 2, from Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang.3

As according to the Southern sources so according to these
accounts the ten points of the Vajji monks form the starting-
point of the movement.

As to the date there is great uncertainty. In the same way,
with respect to the place, the tradition wavers between Vaisali
and Pataliputra.4 Of the famous theras of the Second
Council mentioned in the Southern scriptures we meet
the following in the Northern : — Sarvakama = Sabbakami,
Yasa = Yasa, Salha = Salha, Sambhuta = Sambhuta Sana-
vasi, Revata= Revata, Kuyyasobhita (?) = Khujjasobhita
and Ajita = Ajita.

The Third Council.

With respect to the Third Council we must, in the first
place, depend on SOUTHERN BUDDHIST SOURCES since it has up
to this time been accepted that the Northern Buddhist took no
account of this Assembly of the Church. Our oldest source is
the Dip. 7. 34-43, 44-59 ; then comes Smp. 30627 foil., then
Mah. 5. 228 folk Respecting the course of events we may
refer to the translation following below, since no essential
differences exist.

The president of the Council was Tissa Moggaliputta, the
place Pataliputta^also called Kusumapura * the city of flowers '.
As date, the year 236 A. B. = 247 B. c. is given, Dip. 7.
37, 44/>

1 See ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha, pp. 171-180.

2 Tdran'tthas Geschichte des Buddhismus in Indien, iibersetzt von
SCHIEFNER, p. 41 foil. Cf. WASSILJEW, Der Buddhismus, p. 61 foil.

3 BEAL, I. I., i, p. liv ; ii, pp. 74-75 ; LEGGE, I. /., p. 75.

4 On these wavering traditions see below.

6 Cf. Sasanav. i, p. 81. 3 ; Nik. Samgr. 9<. When Dip. 1. 24, 25 says

Introduction Ivii

The Mah. 5. 280 says that the Council was concluded in the
seventeenth year of the reign of Asoka. It lasted, accord-
ing to both chronicles, nine months. Thus, according to
FLEET'S l reckoning, the Council began in the middle of January
247 B.C. and came to an end at the end of October in the same
year.

Now with respect to the trustworthiness of the Southern
Buddhist accounts of the Councils I have arrived at the
following conclusion. Here, as elsewhere, a genuine historical
reminiscence underlies the tradition. This holds good of all
three Councils. A general framework of facts is given with
some few data deeply engraved in memory. But within this
framework, even in the oldest form of the tradition, all kinds
of details were introduced which correspond to the opinions
and circumstances of later times. We must keep to the most
general statements if we would come near the historical truth.
Everything special and particular should be looked upon with
a certain scepticism.

For the FIRST COUNCIL we need not hesitate to extract as
the historical kernel of the tradition, the fact that, after the
Buddha's death, his nearest disciples assembled in the capital
of the country to establish the most important rules of the
Order as, according to their recollection, the Master himself
had laid them down. This may then have formed the ground-
work of the later Vinaya. That the Buddhist canon was
established then and there in the form in which we now have
it, a form that can only be the fruit of centuries of develop-
ment,2 is naturally out of the question. We see indeed how

that the First Council took place four months after the Nirvana and the
Third Council 118 years later there is here a manifest error, for which
the clumsiness of the author of the Dip. is responsible. The date 118 is
evidently reckoned from the Second Council, mention of which has
dropped out, and it refers, as in Mah. 5. 100, not to the beginning of
the Third Council, but to the birth of Moggaliputta Tissa. See
Dip. 5. 55.

1 J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 426.

2 See RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues, i, x-xx ; Buddhist India, p. 161
foil. ; OLDENBEEG, Vin. Pit. i, p. x foil.

Iviii Introduction

the tradition itself adds new details. Speaking at first only
of Vinaya and Dhamma it then, in a later form, makes the
Abhidhamma also take its rise in the First Council.

In my interpretation I attach special importance to the
episode of Purana (see p. liii). It gives the impression of a
genuine historical reminiscence, the more so since it is just of
such a nature as to diminish the authority of the theras of the
First Council. There was therefore certainly no reason to invent
this story. As a statement of fact, however, it has no mean-
ing unless there had really been beforehand some proposal to
establish the teachings of the Buddha.

Certainly not very much more than this can be proved to be
historical in the account of the First Council. The narrator in
the C.V. adheres in his narrative to the Mahaparinibbana-sutta
(D. Sutta XVI = D. II, p. 72 foil.). This has been convinc-
ingly demonstrated by OLDENBERG l and in greater detail by
FRANKE.2 I should not therefore like to attach most importance,
as does L. DE LA VALLEE PoussiN,3 precisely to the episode of
Ananda's failings and the punishment of Channa. They
may very well have been incorporated in the account only
because they exist in the Sutta D. XVI.4 It is not even certain
whether it was just the frivolous words of Subhadda that
brought about the holding of the Council, here too it may be
that the narrator has only followed the Sutta in making this
fact a motive for the Council.

In that case OLDENBERG's5 object ion to the historical character

1 Vin. Pit. i,p. xxvi foil. 2 J.P.T.S. 1908, p. 8 foil.

3 Lid. Ant. 1908, pp. 15-16, 18.

4 FRANKS, I.I., p. 18, foil., observes very aptly that in C.V. XI and XII
the precept of D. XVI. 6. 2 (= D. II, p. 154) concerning the use of
bhante and avuso,has been strictly retained. Here, again, the
narrator's dependence, as to form, on the Mahaparinibbana-sutta is
evident. Because he found the precept in the sutta, he retains it in
his account. But when FRANKE then goes so far as to argue that the
accounts of the Council in C.V. were only invented to illustrate that
question of etiquette, that they were therefore * more or less readings in
" good form " for bhikkhus in all events and circumstances ', there are
assuredly few who will follow him. I am quite unable to do so.

6 L. 1. Cf. also RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist Suttas (S.B.E. xi), General

Introduction lix

of the First Council disappears. He is of opinion that, since
Subhadda's words are mentioned, in the Mahaparinibbana-
sutta, there must also have been some allusion to the Council
if it really was brought about by those words. According to
my view the Council— or whatever this assembly of monks in
Kajagaha may be called — is the established fact (see above).
If the introduction of the narrative in the C.Y. really should
not be in agreement with the Sutta D. XVI, which I will only
assume but without yielding the point, then the fact of the
Council itself is not put aside. In that case the narrator,
looking for a motive or means of introducing the Council,
found it in that passage of the Sutta, a connexion which did
not correspond to the reality.1

The SECOND and THIRD COUNCIL must be discussed together.

It is historically confirmed, I think, that the first schism
in the Church proceeded from Vesall and that the dasa
vatthuniof the Vajji-monks brought it about. But it is
doubtful when this separation resulted, where it took place,
and whether after this Second Council yet a third took place
and at what time.

According to the Southern Buddhist tradition, as we saw,
the Second Council was held in Vesall itself under king
Kalasoka in the year 383/2 B. c., the third under Dhammasoka
in Pataliputta in the year 247 B.C. The first led to the
separation of the Mahasamghikas from the Theravada. The
second led to the expulsion from the community of certain
elements wrongfully intruded there.

My opinion now is that this distinction between two
separate Councils is in fact correct. The Northern Bud-
dhists have mistakenly fused the two into one as they con-
founded the kings Kalasoka and Dhammasoka one with
another. But traces of the right tradition are still preserved

Introduction, p. xi foil. JACOBI, Z.D.M.G. 34, p. 185, is, however, not
inclined to give such great weight to the argumentum e silentio.

1 RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues, ii. 76,77, has discussed the value of the
evidence as to the First Council, and arrived at a somewhat similar
conclusion.

Ix Introduction

in the wavering uncertain statements as to the time and place of
the Council.

According to the Tibetan tradition in the Dulva1 the
first schism occurred 160 years after the death of the Buddha,
when king Dharmas'oka reigned in Kusumapura. But the
same source (ROCKHILL, p. 186) also records an assembly
which took place in Pataliputra 137 years after the Nirvana,
under Mahapadma and Nanda.

In Chinese sources 2 we find the same uncertainty. The
Council that led to the first schism is in these placed now
100, now 116, now 160 years after the Buddha's death.

As the place of the Council Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang 3
mention Vaisali. But according to the Dulva (1L, p. 182)
the schism arose in Kusumapura (i.e. Pataliputra). Taranatha
(p. 41) speaks of the ten points taught by the heretical monks
of Vaisali and which gave occasion for a Council that took
place in Kusumapura. The Chinese sources too (see St. J., 1. 1.)
mention Pataliputra.

Evidently, as has been said, the failure to distinguish
between the two Asokas was the cause of the whole confusion.
This is plain from the fact that with respect to this king's
date we find the same contradictions in the Northern sources.
Hiuen-thsang knows only one Asoka, Dharmasoka, the his-
torical king of the third century B.C. But he puts him 100
years after the Nirvana, that is, he gives him the period of
the earlier Asoka. For hardly any scholar will admit now, I
believe, that Buddha died in the fourth century B.C.; moreover,
Hiuen-thsang, as we saw (see above, p. xliv), names also Dhar-
masoka as the founder of Pataliputra, although we know
beyond dispute that Pataliputra was the capital of the country
before his time. He has thus transferred to Dharmasoka, the
son of Candragupta, a tradition which related to an earlier
king.

1 According to Bhavya, in ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha, p. 182.

2 ST. JULIEN, Journ. As., V. Serie, fc. xiv, pp. 343, 333, 336. Cf. below,
Appendix B.

3 See above, p. Ivi, n. 3. Fa-hian, however, does not express himself
so definitely as Hiuen-thsang.

Introduction l*i

In the Tibetan sources Asoka is generally dated 100-160
years after the Nirvana. But there is beside this an allu-
sion which, in agreement with the Southern tradition, places
him 234 years after the Buddha.1

Taranatha says 2 that in the Tibetan Vinaya the date
110 A.B. is given for Asoka, but that in the other sources
the dates are 210 and 220.

Lastly, in the Chinese Tripitaka there are, according to
TAKAKUSU, four dates for Asoka : 116 A.B., 118 A.B., 130 A.B.,
and 218 A.B. The last-mentioned date, however, is found
apparently only in the Chinese Sudarsana-vibhasa Vinaya,
which is a translation of Buddhaghosa's Samantapasadika.3

But there is something more. The Northern writings
are very familiar with the ten points raised by the monks
of Vaisali and the schism produced by them. But they
also know of another division 4 associated with the names
of the monks Mahadeva and Bhadra. These latter set up
five dogmas which were also expressed in brief aphorisms and
which led to a schism. In Vasumitra's account 5 the con-
fusion is complete when he relates that somewhat more
than 100 years after the Nirvana, under king Asoka in
Pataliputra the schism of the Mahasamghikas resulted from
the five dogmas, which are then described. Here then, finally,
the five dogmas of Mahadeva are confounded with the ten
points of the Vajji-monks.

It is perhaps not too daring to conjecture that in this
division associated with the name of Mahadeva there is a
reminiscence of the proceedings that brought about the Third
Council. But this conjecture is now also confirmed by
an acute observation of L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN. He

1 See ROCKHILL, /. L, p. 233.

2 Transl. by Schiefner, p. 42.

3 A Record of the Buddhist Religion by I-TSING, transl. by TAKA-
KUSU, p. 14, n. 1, p. 217.

4 See esp. Taranatha, p. 51 ; Bhavya in ROCKHILL, L L, p. 186 ;
WASSILJEW, Der Buddhismus, i, pp. 62-63.

5 See ROCKHILL, L ?., p. 187, n. 1.

Ixii Introduction

establishes the fact l that the five dogmas of Mahadeva belong
to those which are combated in the Kathavatthu. But the
Kathavatthu was composed (see Mah. 5. 278) by Moggali-
putta Tissa on the occasion of the Council of Pataliputta.

Thus a new link has been found between the Northern and
Southern tradition of the Third Council.2 I adhere, therefore,
to the assumption that a second Council took place under
Kalasoka and a third under Dhammasoka.

The course of events at the Second Council may, taken as
a whole, be as the Southern and Northern sources relate.
The '10 points' are historical, and we must also regard as
historical the names of the theras concerned in refuting them.3
Moreover, the division of the community, till then united,
into two schools is, as I believe, a fact. But we must not
exaggerate our notion of the harshness of this separation.

With the toleration peculiar to the Indians the different
sects have always mutually recognized each other and kept up
relations with each other. I may refer to the beautiful utter-
ance attributed by Vasumitra to the Buddha concerning the

1 Buddhist notes. The five Points of Mahadeva and the Katha-
vatthu, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 413 foil.

2 V. A. SMITH, J.R.A.S. 1901, p. 827 foil, and particularly p. 839 foil.,
argues thus : As there are two different traditions concerning the time
of the Second Council the Southern tradition has invented a second
Asoka in addition to the historical one, and out of one Council has
made two. It will be seen that my argument follows the exactly
opposite course: as there were two Asokas the Northern tradition
has confounded the two Councils which took place in their time.
SMITH'S argument has the defect of not explaining how the different
tradition regarding the Second Council arose.

3 That an extraordinarily great age is attributed of certain theras
need hardly be brought forward as testimony against the general
trustworthiness of the account (KERN, Manual, p. 105). These are the
embellishments by which it was intended to exalt the authority of the
theras. In like manner an age of 150 years is attributed to the first
Patriarch of the Dhyana Sect in China, Bodhidharma. (SUZUKI,
J.P.T.S. 1906-7, pp. 11, 13.) Besides, the Yasa of the Second Council
was certainly not the Yasa who in M.V. I. 7 foil, appears as a contem-
porary of the Buddha. He is distinguished from this latter by the
epithet Kakandakattajo.

Introduction

twelve future schools : ' These schools will be the repositories
of the diversified fruits of my scriptures without priority or
inferiority — just as the taste of sea-water is everywhere the
same — or as the twelve sons of one man all honest and true,
so will be the exposition of my doctrine advocated by these
schools/ l

We may conjecture that the Second Council contributed to
the completion of the Vinaya and the Dhamma, though
C.V. XII does not expressly speak of it. That may have been
taken as a matter of course. Besides, in the concluding
words (C.V. XII. 2. 9) the second Council, like the first, is
designated Vinayasamgiti.

At the time of the Third Council the canonical literature
of the Dhamma and Vinaya, as we now have it in the Pali
recension, was evidently completed in essentials. This is
proved by mention of portions of the canon in the inscription
of Bairat. Here Asoka recommends seven scriptures for par-
ticular study. Of these scriptures six can be pointed out with
more or less certainty in the Pali canon.2

And now, besides, the literary movement is proceeding which
leads to the compilation of the Abhidhamma. We see this
from the allusion, already mentioned above, in Mah. 5. 278,
according to which Moggaliputta Tissa in order to refute the
errors which brought about the Third Council, composed his
Kathavatthuppakarana. But this work belongs to the Abhi-
dhamma.

The importance of the Councils, from the standpoint of the
orthodox, lay in the elimination of tendencies which could no
longer be regarded as consistent with the faith. But of
higher importance was the resolve formed in Pataliputra to
bear Buddhism beyond the borders of its narrower home.
With this Buddhism entered on its victorious progress through
the Eastern World.

1 See DEAL, Ind. Ant. ix, 1880, p. 300.

2 OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. xl ; Z.D.M.G. 52, p. 634 foil., against
MINAYEFP, Recherches surle JBouddhisme, pp. 83-92 ; RHYS DAVIDS,
Dialogues, i, p. xiii.

LIST OF ABBEEVIATIONS

A. = Anguttara-Nikaya (ed. MORRIS and HARDY, 5 vols., Pali Text

Soc. 1885-1900). Vol. vi, Indexes by Miss HUNT, 1910.
Asl. = Atthasalim (ed. E. MULLER, P.T.S., 1897).
B.R. = Sanskrit- Worterbuch von BOHTLINGK und ROTH, 7 vols., St.

Petersburg, 1855-1875.

C.V. = Cullavagga (the Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, vol. ii, 1880).
D. = DTgha-Nikaya (ed. RHYS DAVIDS and CARPENTER, 3 vols.,

P.T.S. 1890-191.1).

Dip. = Dipavamsa (ed. andtransl. OLDENBERG, 1879).
LA. = Indian Antiquary.
J.As. = Journal Asiatique.

Jat. = Jataka (ed. FAUSBOLL, 7 vols., 1877-1897).
J. P.T.S. = Journal of the Pali Text Society.
J.R.A.S. = Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.
Kamb. Mah. = Kambodja Mahavamsa (s. HARDY, J.P.T.S. 1902-3,

p. 61 foil.).
M. - Majjhima-Nikaya (ed. TRENCKNER and CHALMERS, 3 vols., P.T.S.

1888-1899).

Mah. ed. = Mahavamsa (ed. W. GEIGER, P.T.S. 1908).
M.Bv. = Mahabodhivamsa (ed. STRONG, P.T.S. 1901).
M.V. = Mahavagga (The Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, vol. i, 1879).
P.D. = Dictionary of the Pali Language, by CHILDERS, 1875.
Vin. Pit. = The Vinaya Pitaka, ed. OLDENBERG, 5 vols., 1879-1883.
S. = Samyutta Nikaya (ed. FEER, 5 vols., P.T.S. 1884-1898 ; vol. 6 ;

Indexes by Mrs. RHYS DAVIDS, 1904).
S.B.B. = Sacred Books of the Buddhists.
S.B.E. = Sacred Books of the East.

Smp. = Samanta-Pasadika (Introd. to S. in Vin. Pit. ii, p. 283 foil.).
Sum. = Sumangala-Vilasim (ed. RHYS DAVIDS and CARPENTER, vol. i,

P.T.S. 1886).
Z.D.M.G. = Zeitschrift der Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft.

Map of ANCIENT CEYLON

«fc>

SCALE OF ENGLISH MlftS

0 10 20 30 40 SO

Ancient Names thus - PanjaK
Modern Names thus.- Jaffna

(gama) « Village
pHpabbata)- Mountain
v?'(vapi)-Tank

THE MAHAVAMSA

CHAPTER I

THE VISIT OF THE TATHAGATA

HAVING made obeisance to the Sambuddha the pure, sprung 1
of a pure race, I will recite the Mahavamsa, of varied content
and lacking nothing. That (Mahavamsa) which was compiled 2
by the ancient (sages) was here too long drawn out and there
too closely knit ; and contained many repetitions. Attend ye 3
now to this (Mahavamsa) that is free from such faults, easy
to understand and remember, arousing serene joy and
emotion and handed down (to us) by tradition, — (attend ye to 4
it) while that ye call up serene joy and emotion (in you) l
at passages that awaken serene joy and emotion.

On seeing the Sambuddha Dipamkara, in olden times, our 5
Conqueror resolved to become a Buddha, that he might release
the world from evil. When he had offered homage to that 6
Sambuddha and likewise to Kondanna and to the sage
Mangala, to Sumana, to the Buddha Kevata and likewise to
the great sage Sobhita, to the Sambuddha Anomadassi, to 7
Paduma and to the Conqueror Narada, to the Sambuddha
Padumuttara and to the Tathagata Sumedha, and to Sujata, 8
to Piyadassi and to the Master Atthadassi, to Dham-
madassi and Siddhattha, to Tissa and the Conqueror Phussa, 9
to Vipassi and the Sambuddha Sikhi, and the Sam-
buddha Vessabhu, the mighty one, to the Sambuddha

1 Read janayanta, referring the participle to the subject implied
in sunotha. The terms pasada * serene joy' and samvega
'emotion' occur also in the postscripts of the single chapters of
the Mah. Pasada signifies the feeling of blissfulness, joy and satis-
faction in the doctrine of the Buddha, sam vega the feeling of horror
and recoil from the world and its misery. See also 23. 62 with note.

2 Mahdvamsa 1. 10

10 Kakusandha, and likewise to Konagamana, as also to the
blessed Kassapa, — having offered homage to these twenty-four
Sambuddhas and having received from them the prophecy of

1 1 his (future) buddhahood he, the great hero, when he had ful-
filled all perfections 1 and reached the highest enlightenment,
the sublime Buddha Gotama, delivered the world from
suffering.

1 2 At Uruvela,2 in the Magadha country, the great sage, sitting
at the foot of the Bodhi-tree, reached the supreme enlighten-

13 ment on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha.3 Seven
weeks he tarried there, mastering his senses/ while that he
himself knew the high bliss of deliverance and let (others)

14 behold its felicity.5 Then he went to BaranasI and set rolling
the wheel of the law ; and while he dwelt there through the
rain-months, he brought sixty (hearers) to arahantship.6

15 When he had sent forth these bhikkhus to preach the doctrine,
and when he had converted the thirty companions of the

1 The ten parami. Cf. Jat. i, p. 20 foil. The idea is late and not
found in the four Nikayas. See RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India,
p. 177 ; KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 66.

2 Buddh Gaya or Bodh Gaya in Gaya district, Bengal.

3 The second month in the ordinary Indian lunar year, answering
in the time of Buddha to part of March and part of April. The
names of the Indian lunar months are as follows :—

(1) Citta = February : March or March : April.

(2) Vesakha = March: April or April: May.

(3) Jettha = April: May or May: June.

(4) A sa] ha = May: June or June: July.

(5) S a van a = June : July or July : August.

(6) Potthapada = July : August or August : September.

(7) Assayuja = August: September or September: October.

(8) Kattika = September: October or October: November.

(9) Maggasira = October: November or November: December.

(10) Phussa = November: December or December: January.

(11) Magha = December: January or January : February.

(12) Phagguna = January: February or February : March.
See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 6.

4 Vasi. A play on this word and vasi 'he tarried '.

5 With the whole passage cf. Mah. ed., p. iii.

6 Satthim arahatam aka. Arahatam as a gen. plural is
dependent on the numeral. Literally : he made sixty arahants.

I. 24 The Visit of the Tathdgata 3

company of Bhadda 1 then did the Master dwell at Uruvela 16
the winter through, for the sake of converting the thou-
sand jatilas2 led by Kassapa, making them ripe (for
deliverance) .

Now since a great sacrifice by Kassapa of Uruvela was near 17
at hand, and since he saw that this latter would fain have him
away,3 he, the victorious over enemies, went to seek alms 18
among the Northern Kurus ; 4 and when he had eaten his
meal at evening time near the lake Anotatta,5 the Conqueror, 19
in the ninth month of his buddhahood, at the full moon of
Phussa,6 himself set forth for the isle of Lanka, to win Lanka
for the faith.7 For Lanka was known to the Conqueror as 20
a place where his doctrine should (thereafter) shine in glory ;
and (he knew that) from Lanka, filled with the yakkhas, the
yakkhas must (first) be driven forth.8

And he knew also that in the midst of Lanka, on the fair 21
river bank, in the delightful Mahanaga garden, three yojanas
long and a yojana wide, the (customary) meeting-place for 22
the yakkhas, there was a great gathering of (all) the
yakkhas dwelling in the island. To this great gathering of 23
that yakkhas went the Blessed One, and there, in the midst of
that assembly, hovering in the air over their heads, at the 24
place of the (future) Mahiyangana-thupa,9 he struck terror

1 For the conversion of the Timsa Bhaddavaggiya see M.V.
1.14.

2 J a til a, ascetics wearing the hair long and matted. See M.V.
I. 15 ff.

3 Lit. after he had known this latter's wish that he should not come.

4 The Uttara Kuru are a half-mythological people, dwelling in
the north of India.

5 One of the seven great lakes, situated in the Himalaya mountains.

6 The tenth month of the lunar year. See note on 1. 12.

7 Lit. to purify, to cleanse (visodhetum). Lanka = Ceylon.

8 From the nata (N. Si. F.) in the first line another nata
(N. PL M.) must be understood with yakkha nibbasiya (Part.
Fut. Pass., Skr. nir-vas, Caus.) in the second line of the verse, to
complete the sentence.

9 According to tradition the Bintenne-dagaba (TENNENT, Ceylon,
ii, pp. 420-421), on the right bank of the Mahawseliganga,which is
called m ah a gang a or simply gang a in the Mah.

4 Mahavamsa 1. 25

25 to their hearts by rain, storm, darkness and so forth.1 The
yakkhas, overwhelmed by fear, besought the fearless Van-
quisher to release them from terrors, and the Vanquisher,

26 destroyer of fear,2 spoke thus to the terrified yakkhas : ' I will
banish this your fear and your distress, O yakkhas, give ye here

27 to me with one accord a place where I may sit down/ The
yakkhas thus answered the Blessed One : ' We all, O Lord,
give you even the whole of our island. Give us release from

28 our fear/ Then, when he had destroyed their terror, cold
and darkness, and had spread his rug of skin 3 on the ground

29 that they bestowed on him, the Conqueror, sitting there, made
the rug to spread wide, while burning flame surrounded it.
Daunted by the burning heat thereof and terrified, they stood

30 around on the border. Then did the Saviour cause the pleasant
Giridipa 4 to come here near to them, and when they had settled

31 there, he made it return to its former place. Then did the
Saviour fold his rug of skin; the devas assembled, and in

32 their assembly the Master preached them the doctrine. The
conversion of many kotis of living beings took place,5 and
countless were those who came unto the (three) refuges and
the precepts of duty.6

1 Lit. he made for them a means of terror, consisting of rain, storm,
darkness and so forth.

2 Lit. who confers fearlessness (or freedom from peril), a play on the
words a b hay a and bhaya. See 37. 30.

3 Lit. piece of hide.

4 It would be a mistake to look for a clear geographical state-
ment. The underlying notion here expressed is simply that the
yakkhas were driven back to the highlands (giri) in the interior
of the island. They are still to be found in Ceylon in later times.
The meaning of dip a was formerly a wider one ; a later tradition has
brought it to mean 'island' in our sense. Cf. also Nagadipa as
name of a part of Ceylon itself (1. 47 with note).

8 The term dhammabhisamaya (see CHILDEKS, P. Z>., s. v.)
means ' the attainment by an unconverted man of one of the four
paths ' (of sanctification). Koti is an indefinite great number, accord-
ing to the Indian system equal to ten millions.

6 Saranesu ca silesu thita is .the expression for the adherence
of the laity. They take their refuge (sarana) in the Buddha, his
doctrine and his community, and undertake to keep certain binding
commandments. See notes to 1. 62.

I. 44 The Visit of the Tathagata 5

The prince of devas, Mahasumana of the Sumanakuta- 33
mountain,1 who had attained to the fruit of entering into
the path of salvation,2 craved of him who should be worshipped,
something to worship. The Conqueror, the (giver of) good to 34
living beings, he who had pure and blue-black locks, passing his
hand over his (own) head, bestowed on him a handful of hairs.
And he, receiving this in a splendid golden urn, when he had 35
laid the hairs upon a heap of many-coloured gems, seven cubits
round, piled up at the place where the Master had sat, covered 36
them over with a thupa of sapphire and worshipped them.

When the Sambuddha had died, the thera named Sarabhu, 37
disciple of the thera Sariputta, by his miraculous power received,
even from the funeral pyre, the collar-bone of the Conqueror and 38
brought it hither (to Lanka), and, with the bhikkhus all around
him, he there laid it in that same cetiya, covered it over with 39
golden-coloured stones,3 and (then he), the worker of miracles,
having made the thupa twelve cubits 4 high, departed again from
thence. The son of king Devanampiyatissa's brother, named 40
Uddhaculabhaya, saw the wondrous cetiya and (again) covered 41
it over and made it thirty cubits high. The king Dutthaga-
mani, dwelling there while he made war upon the Damilas,
built a mantle cetiya over it eighty cubits high. Thus was 42
the Mahiyangana-thupa completed. When he had thus made 43
our island a fit dwelling-place for men, the mighty ruler,
valiant as are great heroes, departed for Uruvela.

Here ends the Visit to Mahiyahgana.

Now the most compassionate Teacher, the Conqueror, 44
rejoicing in the salvation of the whole world, when dwelling

1 Sumanakuta is the Adam's Peak.

2 Sotapatti is the stage of a sotapanna ' who has entered the
stream ', who has attained to the first grade of sanctification, a con-
verted man. As to the second and third grade see the notes to 15. 18
and 13. 17.

3 On medavannapasana, stones of the (golden, or cream) colour
of fat, fat-coloured, see Mah. ed., p. 355.

* See note to 15. 167.

6 Mahavamsa 1. 45

45 at Jetavana l in the fifth year of his buddhahood, saw that a
war, caused by a gem-set throne, was like to come to pass

46 between the nagas Mahodara and Culodara, uncle and nephew,
and their followers ; and he, the Sambuddha, on the uposatha-

47 day of the dark half of the month Citta, in the early morning,
took his sacred alms-bowl and his robes, and, from compassion
for the nagas, sought the Nagadlpa.2

48 That same naga Mahodara was then a king, gifted with
miraculous power, in a naga-kingdom in the ocean, that

49 covered half a thousand yojanas. His younger sister had been
given (in marriage) to the naga-king on the Karma vaddhamana-

50 mountain ; her son was Culodara. His mothers father had
given to his mother a splendid throne of jewels, then the naga

51 had died and therefore this war of nephew with uncle was
threatening ; and also the nagas of the mountains were armed
with miraculous power.

52 The deva named Samiddhisumana took a rajayatana-tree

53 standing in Jetavana, his own fair habitation, and, holding it
like a parasol over the Conqueror, he, with the Teacher's leave,

54 attended him to that spot where he had formerly dwelt.3 That
very deva had been, in his latest birth, a man in Nagadlpa.
On the spot where thereafter the rajayatana-tree stood, he

55 saw paccekabuddhas taking their meal. And at the sight his
heart was glad and he offered branches to cleanse the alms-

56 bowl. Therefore he was reborn in that tree in the pleasant
Jetavana-garden, and it (the tree) stood afterwards outside at

57 the side of the gate-rampart.4 The God of all gods saw (in
this) an advantage for that deva, and, for the sake of the
good which should spring (therefrom) for our land, he brought
him hither (to Lanka) together with his tree.

58 Hovering there in mid-air above the battlefield the Master,

1 A park and monastery near Savatthi in the Kosala country (see
VOGEL, J.R.A.S. 1908, p. 971 foil.), presented to the Master by Anatha-
pindika. Jdt. i. 92 foil.

2 Apparently the north-western part of Ceylon. See 20. 25, with
the note.

3 I. e. to Nagadlpa.

4 Kotthaka ' battlemented dwelling or gateway '. See M.V. VIII.
15. 5 ; C.V. IV. 4. 6 ; S.B.E. xvii, p. 219, n. 1 ; xx, p. 11, n. 1.

I. 69 The Visit of the Tathagata 7

who drives away (spiritual) darkness, called forth dread darkness
over the nagas. Then comforting those who were distressed 59
by terror he once again spread light abroad. When they
saw the Blessed One they joyfully did reverence to the
Master's feet. Then preached the Vanquisher to them the 60
doctrine that begets concord, and both [nagas] gladly gave
up the throne to the Sage.1 When the Master, having 61
alighted on the earth, had taken his place on a seat there,
and had been refreshed with celestial food and drink by the
naga-kings, he, the Lord, established in the (three) refuges 2 62
and in the moral precepts 3 eighty kotis of snake- spirits,
dwellers in the ocean and on the mainland.

The naga-king Maniakkhika of KalyanI,4 mother's brother 63
to the naga Mahodara, who had come thither to take part in
the battle, and who, aforetime, at the Buddha's first coming, 64
having heard the true doctrine preached, had become estab-
lished in the refuges and in the moral duties, prayed now to
the Tathagata: ' Great is the compassion that thou hast 65
shown us here, O Master ! Hadst thou not appeared we had
all been consumed to ashes. May thy compassion yet light also 66
especially on me, O thou who art rich in loving-kindness, in
that thou shalt come yet again hither to my dwelling-country ,

0 thou peerless one.' When the Lord had consented by his 67
silence to come thither, he planted the rajayatana-tree on that
very spot as a sacred memorial, and the Lord of the Worlds 68
gave over the rajayatana-tree and the precious throne-seat to
the naga-kiugs to do homage thereto. ' In remembrance that 69

1 have used these do homage to them,5 ye naga-kings !

1 I. e. the Buddha.

2 I. e. buddha, dhamma, samgha'the Buddha, his doctrine and
his community'. The Buddhist confession of faith consists in the
words buddham saranam gacchami, dhammam s. g., sam-
gham s.g. 'I take my refuge in the B. &c.'

8 The pa iic a silani, which are binding on all Buddhists, are
abstention from destruction of life, theft, adultery, lying, and from
the use of intoxicating liquors. Cf. note to 18. 10.

4 Now Kselani, name of a river which falls into the sea near
Colombo.

5 Lit. ' Do homage to them as to a memorial consisting in objects
used by me.'

8 Mahavamsa i. 70

This, well beloved, will bring to pass blessing- and happiness

70 for you.' When the Blessed One had uttered this and other
exhortation to the nagas, he, the compassionate saviour of all
the world, returned to Jetavana.

Here ends the Visit to Nagadipa.

71 In the third year after this, the naga-king Maniakkhika
sought out the Sambuddha and invited him, together with the

72 brotherhood. In the eighth year after he had attained to
buddhahood, when the Vanquisher was dwelling in Jetavana,

73 the Master, set forth surrounded by five hundred bhikkhus, on
the second day of the beautiful month of Vesakha, at the full-
moon, and when the hour of the meal was announced the

74 Vanquisher, prince of the wise, forthwith putting on his robe
and taking his alms-bowl went to the Kalyanl country, the

75 habitation of Maniakkhika. Under a canopy decked with
gems, raised upon the spot where (afterwards) the Kalyam-
cetiya was built, he took his place, together with the brother-

76 hood of bhikkhus, upon a precious throne-seat. And, greatly
rejoicing, the naga-king with his following served celestial
food, both hard and soft, to the king of truth, the Con-
queror, with his followers.

77 When the Teacher, compassionate to the whole world, had
preached the doctrine there, he rose, the Master, and left the

78 traces of his footsteps plain to sight on Sumanakuta. And after
he had spent the day as it pleased him at the foot of this
mountain, with the brotherhood, he set forth for Dlghavapi.1

79 And there the Master seated himself with the brotherhood at
the place where the cetiya (thereafter) stood, and gave himself

80 up to meditation, to consecrate the spot. Then arose the Great
Sage from that place, and knowing well which places were fit
and which unfit he went to the place of the (later) Mahamegha-

81 vanarama.2 After he had seated himself with his disciples at

1 The Dlghavapi is probably the Kandiya-kattu tank in the Eastern
Province, about 30 miles SSW. from Batticaloa. A large dagaba is
Baid to be in the neighbourhood of the tank. PARKER, Ancient
Ceylon, pp. 318, 396.

2 The Mahameghavana was a park south of the capital Anuradha-

I. 84 The Visit of the Tathdgata 9

the place, where the sacred Bodhi-tree came afterwards to be,
the Master gave himself up to meditation ; and likewise there
where the Great Thupa1 stood (in later days) and there also 82
where (afterwards) the thupa in the Thuparama 2 stood. Then
when he rose up from meditation he went to the place of the
(later) Silacetiya,3 and after the Leader of the assembly (of 83
bhikkhus) had uttered exhortation to the assembly of devas,
he, the Enlightened, who has trodden all the paths of en-
lightenment, returned thence to Jetavana.

Thus the Master of boundless wisdom, looking to the 84
salvation of Lanka in time to come, and knowing in that time
the highest good for the hosts of asuras and nagas and so
forth in Lanka, visited this fair island three times, — he, the
compassionate Enlightener of the world; — therefore this isle,
radiant with the light of truth, came to high honour among
faithful believers.

Here ends the Visit to Kalyani.

Here ends the first chapter, called ' The Visit of the
Tathagata \ in the Mabavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

pura and was presented to the priesthood as an arama or monastery
by the king Devanampiyatissa. See 15. 8 foil, and note to 11. 2.

1 The Ruwanwseli-dagaba of Anuradhapura. SMITHER, Architec-
tural Remains, Anurddhapura, p. 23 foil.; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon,
p. 279 foil.

2 A monastery in Anuradhapura. SMITHER, 1. c., p. 1 foil. ; PARKER,
1. c., p. 263 foil. Cf. note to 17. 30.

3 1. e. ' Stone-cetiya,' now Selacaitya in Anuradhapura. SMITHER, I. c.,
p. 55 ; PARKER, I c., p. 297 foil.

CHAPTER II

THE RACE OF MAHASAMMATA

1 SPRUNG of the race of king Mahilsammata was the Great
Sage. For in the beginning of this age of the world there

2 was a king named Mahasammata, and (the kings) Roja and
Vararoja, and the two Kalyanakas,1 Uposatha and Mandhatar

3 and the two, Caraka and Upacara, and Cetiya and Mucala and
he who bore the name Mahamucala, Mucalinda and Sagara

4 and he who bore the name Sagaradeva; Bharata and
Anglrasa and Ruci and also Suruci, Patapa and Mahapatapa

5 and the two Panadas likewise, Sudassana and Neru, two

6 and two ; 2 also Accima. His sons and grandsons, these
twenty-eight princes whose lifetime was immeasurably (long),

7 dwelt in Kusavatl, Rajagaha, and Mithila.3 Then followed
a hundred kings,4 and (then) fifty-six, and (then) sixty,

1 I. e. Kalyana and Varakalyana. Dip. 3. 6.

2 Panada and Mahapanada, Sudassana and Mahasudassana, Neru
and Mahaneru.

8 Kusavatl is the later Kusinara. See note on 3. 2. Rajagaha,
now Rajgir, was the capital of Magadha, and Mithila, situated in
the Bengal district Tirhut, that of Videha.

4 The dynasties from Accima to Kalarajanaka are dealt with in
detail in Dip. 3. 14-37. Besides (i) the number of the princes sprung
of each dynasty, the (ii) capital cities of each period, and (iii) the
last king of each line are mentioned. The numbers and names are
these :

100 at Pakula (?) the last being Arimdana.
56 , Ayujjha , „ Duppasaha.

84,COO
36
32
28
22

Baranasi
Kapilanagara
Hatthipura
Ekacakkhu

Ajitajana.
Brahmadatta.
Kambalavasabha.
Purindadadeva.

Vajira „ „ Sadhina.

Madhura „ ,, Dhammagutta.

II. 15

TJie Eace of Mahasammata

eighty-four thousand, and then further thirty-six, thirty-two, 8
twenty-eight, then further twenty-eight, eighteen, seventeen,
fifteen, fourteen ; nine, seven, twelve, then further twenty- 9
five ; and (again) twenty-five, twelve and (again) twelve, and
yet again nine and eighty-four thousand with Makhadeva 10
coming at the head, and (once more) eighty-four thousand
with Kalarajanaka at the head ; and sixteen even unto 1 1
Okkaka; these descendants (of Mahasammata) reigned in
groups in their due order, each one in his capital.

The prince Okkamukha was Okkaka's eldest son; Nipuna, 12
Candima, Candamukha and Sivisamjaya, the great king 13
Vessantara, Jali, and Sihavahana and Sihassara: these were
his sons and grandsons. Eighty-two thousand in number were 1 4
the royal sons and grandsons of king Sihassara; Jayasena
was the last of them. They are known as the Sakya kings 15
of Kapilavatthu.1 The great king Slhahanu was Jayasena's

18 at Aritthapura the last being Sitthi.

, Indapatta „ „ Brahmadeva.

, Ekacakkhu „

Baladatta.

, Kosambi ,,

, Bhaddadeva.

, Kannagoccha ,,

, Naradeva.

, Rojananagara ,,

, Mahinda.

, Campa „

, Nagadeva.

, Mithila „

, Buddhadatta.

, Rajagaha „

, Dipamkara.

, Takkasila

, Talissara.

, Kusinara ,,

, Purinda.

, Malitthiya ,,

, Sagaradeva.

The son of Sagaradeva was Makhadeva ; the dynasty of Makhadeva
(84,000) reigned in Mithila. The last prince was Nemiya, father of
Kalarajanaka. These were followed by Samamkura, then by Asoka ;
this was followed by a dynasty of 84,000 princes reigning in Baranasl.
The last was Vijaya. He was followed by Vijitasena, Dhammasena,
Nagasena, Samatha, Disampati, Renu, Kusa, Mahakusa, Navaratha,
Dasaratha, Rama, Bilaratha, Cittadassi, Atthadassi, Sujata, Okkaka,
and so on. The same in Atthakatha, Mah. T. 81n-8333. The Kanib.
Mah., v. 729-789, follows the Tika.

1 The site of Kapilavatthu, the capital of the Sakya tribe and
Gotama Buddha's birthplace, is probably the present Tilaura Kot in
Nepal. See RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 18 n.

12 Mahavamsa 11. 16

16 son, and Jayasena's daughter was named Yasodhara. In

1 7 Devadaha there was a prince named Devadahasakka, Anjana

and Kaccana were his two children. Kaccana was the first

18 consort of Slhahanu, but the Sakka Anjana's queen was
Yasodhara. Anjana had two daughters, Maya and Pajapatl,

19 and also two sons, Dandapani and the Sakiya Suppa-

20 buddha. But Slhahanu had five sons and two daughters:
Suddhodana, Dhotodana, Sakka-, Sukka-,1 and Amitodana,
and Amita and Pamita ; these were the five sons and two
daughters.

21 The royal consort of the Sakka Suppabuddha was Amita;

22 she had two children : Bhaddakaccana and Devadatta. Maya
and Pajapatl were Suddhodana's queens, and the son of the
great king Suddhodana and of Maya was our Conqueror.

23 Of this race of Mahasammata, thus succeeding, was born,
in unbroken line, the Great Sage, he who stands at the head

24 of all men of lordly birth. The consort of the prince
Siddhattha, the Bodhisatta, was Bhaddakaccana ; her son was
Rahula.

25 Bimbisara and the prince Siddhattha were friends, and

26 friends likewise were the fathers of both. The Bodhisatta
was five years older than Bimbisara; twenty-nine years old

27 was he when he left (his father's) house. When he had
striven six years and thereafter had attained to wisdom, he,

28 being thirty-five years old, visited Bimbisara. The virtuous
Bimbisara was fifteen years old when he was anointed king

29 by his own father, and when sixteen years had gone by since
his coming to the throne, the Master preached his doctrine.

30 Two and fifty years he reigned; fifteen years of his reign
passed before the meeting with the Conqueror, and yet thirty-
seven years (of his reign) followed in the lifetime of the
Tathagata.

31 Bimbisara's son, the foolish Ajatasattu, reigned thirty-two

32 years after he, the traitor, had slain (his father). In the
eighth year of Ajatasattu the Sage entered into nibbana and
thereafter did he, Ajatasattu, reign yet twenty-four years.

1 I. e. Sakkodana and Sukkodana.

II. 33 TJie Eace of Mahasammata 13

The Tathagata, who has reached the summit of all virtue, 33
yielded himself up, albeit free, into the power of imperma-
nence. He who shall contemplate this (same) dread-begetting
impermanence shall attain unto the end of suffering.

Here ends the second chapter, called e The Race of Maha-
sammata ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.

CHAPTER III

THE FIRST COUNCIL

1 WHEN the Conqueror the incomparable, he who has the
five eyes/ had lived eighty-four years and had fulfilled all his

2 duties in the world, in all ways, then at Kusinara2 in the
holy place between the two sala-trees,3 on the full-moon day
of the month Vesakha, was the light of the world ex-
tinguished.

3 Beyond all reckoning in numbers, did bhikkhus assemble
there and khattiyas and brahmans, vessas and suddas, and

4 gods likewise. Seven hundred thousand leading bhikkhus
were among them, the thera Mahakassapa was at that time
the samghatthera.

5 When he had performed all rites due to the (dead) body of
the Master and the bodily relics, the great thera, desiring that

6 the doctrine of the Master might long endure, did, seven days
after the Lord of the World, gifted with the ten powers,4 had
passed into nibbana, bethinking him of the evil words of the

7 aged Subhadda 5 and also bethinking him that he (the Master)

1 The five eyes possessed by the Buddha ara the bodily eyes
(mamsacakkhu), the heavenly eye (dibba0) by which he sees every-
thing that comes to pass in the universe, the eye of understanding
(knowledge), the eye of omniscience, and finally the Buddha-eye by
means of which he beholds the saving truth.

2 A town of the clan of the Mallas, in the territory of the present
Nepal.

3 Shorea Robusta.

4 On the dasa balani, ten kinds of knowledge, peculiar to
a Buddha, see KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism, p. 62 ; CHILDERS,
P./)., s.v. balam.

0 Vuddha = vuddhapabbajita 'who had not become a monk
till he was old '. On the speech of Subhadda, see C.V. XL 1. 1 = Vin.
PH. ii. 284. KERN, I I, pp. 101-102.

in. 15 The First Council 15

had given him his garment/ and had (thereby) made him equal
with himself, and (bethinking him) that the Sage had com-
manded the establishing of the holy truth, and (lastly) that 8
the Sambuddha's consent existed to make a compilation of the
holy dhamma2 appointed to this end five hundred eminent 9
bhikkhus, who had overcome the asavas,3 repeaters of the nine-
fold doctrine and versed in all its separate parts ; but there was
one less (than five hundred) because of the thera Ananda.4
And the thera Ananda also, again and again entreated by 10
the bhikkhus, resolved to (join with them in) that compilation
of the dhamma, for it was not possible without him.

When these theras, pitiful toward the whole world, had 11
passed half a month — seven days in the funeral ceremonies
and seven in homage of the relics — and had resolved thus : 1 2
' Spending the rainy season in Rajagaha, we will make a com-
pilation of the dhamma, no other (monks) must be permitted
to dwell there ' ; and when they had made their pilgrimage 1 3
over Jambudlpa,5 consoling here and there the sorrowing
people, they, moved with desire that the good might long 14
endure,6 betook them in the bright half of the month Asalha
to Rajagaha, (the city) richly provided with the four things
needful.7

After the theras, with Mahakassapa at the head, unwavering 1 5
in virtue, familiar with the thought of the Sambuddha,

1 The Buddha gave his garment to Kassapa. On the second saram
depend civaradanam 'the giving of the robe', and samatte
thapanam 'putting on a footing of equality ', and then further
anuggaham katam and anumatim satim (Ace. Si. F. of Part.
Pres. of atthi). Cf. Mah. ed., pp. xxx and li.

2 Katum saddhammasamgitim. Cf. the note on 3. 17.

3 Khinasava 'one in whom the four asavas are extinct' is the
epithet of an arahant. On asava, see RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues of the
Buddha, i. 92 ; ii. 28.

4 A place must be kept for Ananda.

5 The continent of India.

6 A play upon the word sukkapakkha, used in the sense, 'bright
half of the month,' and also ' pure, holy side or party '.

7 The four pace ay a of a bhikkhu are clothing, food given as alms,
a dwelling-place, and medicines.

16 Mahavamsa I IT. 16

1 6 had arrived at that place to spend the rainy season there, they
busied themselves during the first of the rain-months with
repairing all the dwellings, when they had announced this to
Ajatasattu.

1 7 When the repair of the vihara was finished they said to the

1 8 king : f Now we will hold the council/ l To the question,
' What should be done ? ' they answered : ' A place (should be pro-
vided) for the meetings/ When the king had asked : ' Where
(these were to be) ? ' and the place had been pointed out by them,

19 he with all speed had a splendid hall built by the side of the
Vebhara Rock by the entrance of the Sattapanni grotto, (and

20 it was) like to the assembly-hall of the gods. When it was
adorned in every way he caused precious mats to be spread

2 1 according to the number of the bhikkhus. Placed on the south
side and facing the north a lofty and noble seat was prepared

22 for the thera, and in the middle of the hall a high seat was
prepared for the preacher,2 facing the east and worthy of the
blessed (Buddha) himself.

23 So the king bade them tell the theras : cMy work is finished,'
and the theras addressed the thera Ananda, the joy-bringer :

24 t To-morrow, Ananda, the assembly (comes together) ; it be-
hoves thee not to take part in it since thou art still preparing
thee (for the highest state),3 therefore strive thou, unwearied

25 in good/ Thus spurred on, the thera put forth due effort

1 Dhammasamgiti is the term for assembly of the church,
council. The original meaning is general recitation of the canonical
texts which, indeed, takes place in an assembly of the church
and in the following manner : an eminent thera recites the texts
sentence by sentence and the assembly repeats them after him in
chorus. In this way dhammasamgiti is connected with dhamma-
samgaha, by which we understand a settling or redaction of the
canonical texts, which also can only be carried out in the manner
stated. Comp. J.P.T.S. 1909, pp. 31, 32.

2 Thera sana is the seat for the president, who directs the
assembly; dhammasana the same for the monk who recites, the
word uttama is to be taken literally.

3 Still a sekha, i.e. not an arahant, who has reached the highest
degree. This is preceded by seven grades of preparation ; he who is
still at one of these is sekha 'a learner'. See J.P.T.S. 1909, p. 217.

in. 36 The First Council 17

and reached the state of an arahant without being confined
to any one of the four postures.1

On the second day of the second month of the rainy season 26
the bhikkhus met together in that splendid hall. Leaving a 27
fitting place vacant for Ananda, the arahants seated themselves
on chairs, according to their rank. The thera Ananda, to make 28
known to them that he had reached the state of an arahant,
went not with them thither. But when some asked : Where
is the thera Ananda ? he took the seat prepared for him, 29
rising out of the ground or passing through the air.2

Together the theras chose the thera Upali to speak for3 the 30
vinaya, for the rest of the dhamma4 they chose Ananda.
The great thera (Mahakassapa) laid on himself (the task) of 3 1
asking questions touching the vinaya and the thera Upali
(was ready) to explain it.

Sitting in the thera's chair, the former asked the latter the 32
questions touching the vinaya ; and Upali, seated in the
preacher's chair, expounded (the matter). And as this best 33
master of the vinaya expounded each (clause) in turn all (the
bhikkhus) knowing the custom, repeated the vinaya after him.

Then the thera (Mahakassapa) taking (the task) upon himself 34
questioned concerning the dhamma, him 5 the chief of those
who had most often heard (the word), him the treasure-
keeper6 of the Great Seer (the Buddha); and the thera 35
Ananda, taking (the task) upon himself, taking his seat in
the preacher's chair, expounded the whole dhamma. And 36

1 Lit. fiee from the iriyapatha; the four postures of an ascetic
are understood here. They are described as: standing, sitting,
walking, lying down. Ananda became an arahant at the moment
when he was on the point of lying down.

2 Lit. ' the path of the light.' Ananda shows that he can use
the miraculous powers particular to an arahant.

3 Lit. 'as burden bearer for.' Cf. B.R., Skt. Wib., s.v. dhuram-
dhara (4).

4 The vinaya contains the rules of monastic discipline, the
dhamma the dogmatic teaching.

5 I. e. Ananda.

6 Kosarakkha, according to the Tika = dhammabhanda-
garika, i.e. treasurer of the truth or the true doctrine.

1 8 Mahavam sa I II. 3 7

all the (theras) knowing all that was contained in the doc-
trine repeated the dhamma in 'turn after the sage of the
Videha country.

37 Thus in seven months was that compiling of the dhamma
to save the whole world completed by those (theras) bent on

38 the whole world's salvation. 'The thera Mahakassapa has
made the blessed Buddha's message to endure five hundred

39 years/ rejoicing in this thought, at the end of the council,

40 the earth encircled by the ocean trembled six times and many
wondrous signs were shown in the world in many ways. Now
since the canon was compiled by the theras it was called the

4 1 Thera tradition.1 The theras who had held the First Council
and had (thereby) brought great blessing to the world, having
lived their allotted span of life, entered, all, into nibbana.

4 2 Also the theras who have overcome darkness with the light of
insight, those great shining lights in the conquest of the world's
darkness, have been extinguished by the dread tempest of
death. Therefore will the wise man renounce the joy of life.

Here ends the third chapter, called ( The First Council ', in
the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of
the pious.

1 The oldest account of the First Council is contained in the C.V. XI
(OLDENBERG, the Vin. Pit. ii, p. 284 foil.) ; Vinaya Texts, iii (S.B.E.
xx), p. 370 foil.

CHAPTEE IV

THE SECOND COUNCIL

WHEN Ajatasattu's son Udayabhaddaka l had slain him he, 1
the traitor, reigned sixteen years. Udayabhaddaka's son 2
Anuruddhaka slew (his father) and Anuruddha's son named
Munda did likewise. Traitors and fools, these (sons) reigned 3
over the kingdom; in the reign of these two (kings) eight
years elapsed.

Hun-la's son Nagadasaka slew his father and then did the 4
evildoer reign twenty-four years.

Then were the citizens wroth, saying : ' This is a dynasty 5
of parricides/ and when they had banished the king Nagada-
saka they met together and (since) the minister known by the 6
name Susunaga was proved to be worthy, they anointed him
king, mindful of the good of all. He reigned as king eighteen 7
years. His son Kalasoka reigned twenty-eight years. At the 8
end of the tenth year of Kalasoka's reign a century had gone
by since the parinibbana of the Sambuddha.

At that time in Vesall many bhikkhus of the Vajji-clan 2 9
did shamelessly teach that the Ten Points 3 were lawful,
namely ' Salt in the horn', ' Two fingers' breadth', 'Visiting 10

1 In the Sinhalese MSS. this name appears in the form c Udayi-
bhaddaka1. Cf. D. 1. 5025 Udayibh0 or Udayabh0 (E. MULLER,
J.P.T.S. 1888, p. 14). The Dip. 4. 38, 5. 97, 11. 8 has Uda-ya(bhadda).

2 On the confederacy of the Vajjis see RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist
India, pp. 25-26. On Vesali, ibid., p. 40. According to V. SMITH
(Early History of India, p. 27, n. 1 ; J.R.A.S. 1902, p. 267 foil.) its
site is the modern Basar (N. lat. 25° 58' 20", E. long. 85° 11' 30") in
the District Muzaffarpur, north of Patna.

5 The history of the Second Council is also given in the C.V. XII.
Cf. Vinaya Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx\ pp. 386 foil. Here C.V. XII. 1. 9 ;
2. 8) the single points are explained:

(i) Sihgilonakappa, the custom of putting salt in a horn vessel,
in order to season unsalted foods, when received.

(ii) Dvangulakappa, the custom of taking the midday meal,

c 2

20 Malidvamsa IV. 11

the village ', ' Dwelling ', ' Consent ', ' Example', ' Unchurned

1 1 milk ', ' Unfermented palm-wine ', ' Seat without fringe ',
< Gold and so forth '.

When this came to the ears of the thera Yasa, the son of

12 the brahman Kakandaka, gifted with the six supernormal
powers,1 who was wandering about in the Vajji country, he
betook himself to the Mahavana (vihara) 2 with the resolve to

13 settle the matter. In the upo?atha-hall those (monks) had
placed a vessel made of metal and filled with water and had
said to the lay-folk : ' Bestow on the brotherhood kahapanas 3

14 and so on.' The thera forbade them with the words 'This is
unlawful ; give nothing ! ' Then did they threaten the thera

even after the prescribed time, as long as the sun's shadow had not
passed the meridian by more than two-fingers' breadth.

(iii) Gamantarakappa, the custom of going into the village,
after the meal, and there eating again, if invited.

(iv) Avasakappa, the custom of holding the nposatha-feast separ-
ately by bhikkhus dwelling in the same district.

(v) Anumatikappa, the carrying out of official acts by an in-
complete chapter, on the supposition that the consent of absent
bhikkhus was obtained afterwards.

(vi) Acinnakappa, the custom of doing something because of the
preceptor's practice.

(vii) Amathitakappa, taking unchurned milk, even after the
mealtime.

(viii) Jalogikappa, drinking unfermented palm-wine.

(ix) Adas.akam nisidanam, the use of mats to sit on which
were not of the prescribed size, if they were without fringe.

(x) Jataruparajatam, accepting gold and silver.

1 Chalabhinna. The six abhinna are (i) the power of iddhi,
(ii) the heavenly ear, i. e. supranormal power of hearing, (iii) the
power to read the thoughts of others, (iv) the knowledge of former
existences, (v) the heavenly eye. i. e. supranormal power of seeing,
(vi) the abandonment of the asavas. The last of these abhinna
is one of the signs of an arahant. See RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues of
the Buddha, i. 62; AUNG, Compendium of Philosophy, pp. 60-63;
224 foil.

2 The Mahavana-monastery is mentioned by Fa-Hian. See BEAL,
Buddhist Records of the Western World, i, p. 52.

3 Kahapana(Skr. karsapana) is a square copper coin, weighing
1464 grains = 948 grams. See RAPSON, Indian Coins, p. 2 ; RHYS
DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 100.

iv. 25 The Second Council 21

Yasa with the penance called the Craving of pardon from lay-
folk.1 He asked for one to bear him company and went 15
with him into the city proclaiming1 to the citizens, that his
teaching was according to the dhamma.

When the bhikkhus heard what (Yasa's) companion had to 16
tell, they came to thrust him out and surrounded the thera's
house. The thera left it, rising up and passing through the 17
air, and halting at Kosambl, he forthwith sent messengers to
the bhikkhus of Pava and Avanti; 2 he himself went to the 18
Ahogahga-mountain and related all to the thera Sambhuta
Sanavasi.3

Sixty great theras from Pava and eighty from Avanti, all 19
free from the asavas,4 came together on the Ahogahga. The
bhikkhus who met together here from this and that region 20
were in all ninety thousand. When they had all conferred
together they, knowing that the deeply learned thera Revata 21
of Soreyya5 who was free from the asavas, was the chief
among them at that time, went thence to seek him out.

When the thera heard this resolution (by his divine ear) he 22
set out at once, wishing to travel easily,6 upon the way to
Vesall. Arriving day by day in the evening at the spot 23
whence the sage had departed in the morning (the theras)
met him (at last) at Sahajati.

There the thera Yasa, as the thera Sambhuta had 24
charged him to do, at the end of the recital of the sacred
word, addressing himself to the great thera Revata, ques-
tioned him on the Ten Points. The thera rejected them, and 25

1 Patisaraniyakamina, see KERN, Manual, p. 87, note 8.

2 Kosambi on the Yamuna was the capital of the Vatsas or
Vamsas. Pava that of the Mallas ; Avanti was the region of Ujjeni ;
RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, pp. 36, 26, 28. Instead of Paveyyaka
some of the Sinhalese MSS. read Patheyyaka. But also at M.V. VII.
1. 1 ( = Ftn. Pit. i. 2535) the Burmese MSS. have Paveyyaka.

3 See Fin. Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx), p. 394, note 2.

4 Anasava, see p. 15, n. 3.

5 Not far from Takkasila in W. India, see Parajika, 1. 4 (Fm. Pit.
iii, p. 11) ; KERN, Manual, p. 36.

6 Cf. for the detailed description, C.V. XII. 1. 9 = Fm. Texts, iii
(S.B.E. xx), p. 396.

22 MaMvamsa IV. 26

when he had heard the matter, he said : ' Let us make an end
(of this dispute)/

26 The heretical bhikkhus, too, in order to win support, sought
the thera Revata. Preparing in abundance the things needful

27 for ascetics/ they took ship with all speed and went to Saha-
jati, bestowing food sumptuously when the mealtime came.2

28 The thera Salha, free from the asavas, who lived at Sahajati,
having thought on the matter, perceived : ' Those of Pavii

29 hold the true doctrine/ And the great god Brahma drew
near to him and said : ( Stand thou firm in the doctrine/ and
he replied that he would ever stand firm in the doctrine.

30 They3 took those needful things (that they had brought as
gifts) and sought the thera Revata, but the thera did not take
their part and dismissed (the pupil) who took their part.4

31 They went thence to Vesali, shameless they went from there

32 to Pupphapura,5 and told king Kalasoka : ( Guarding our
Master's perfumed chamber we dwell in the Mahavana-vihara

33 in the Vajji territory; but bhikkhus dwelling in the country
are coming, great king, with the thought : We will take
the vihara for ourselves. Forbid them ! '

34 When they had thus misled the king they went (back) to
Vesali. Here in Sahajati eleven hundred and ninety thou-

35 sand bhikkhus were come together under the thera Revata,

36 to bring the dispute to a peaceful end. And the thera would
not end the dispute save in the presence of those with whom

1 Samanaka parikkhara (as a gift to Revata) is that which
a monk is allowed to call his own, such as robes, the alms-bowl, &c.
Cf. CHILDERS, s.v. parikkharo.

2 The underlying meaning is that they indulged in riotous living
on their journey. Vissagga has the implied sense of something rich
and luxuriant. The Tika paraphrases bhattavissaggam with
bhattaparivesanam, bhattaparibhogam.

3 I. e. the Vajjian monks.

4 On this passage see Mah. ed., pp. xxv-xxvi. However, I now
prefer the reading pakkhagahim, since the passage evidently refers
to Revata's disciple Uttara (C.V. XII. 2. 3), who allowed himself to be
won over by the Vajjian monks.

5 Pupphapura, the City of Flowers, a name of Pataliputta (now
Patna), capital at that time of the kingdom of Magadha.

iv. 48 The Second Council 23

it had begun ; l therefore all the bhikkhus went thence to
Vesall.

The misguided king likewise sent his ministers thither, but 37
led astray by the design of the devas they went elsewhere.
And the monarch, when he had sent them, saw himself 38
in a dream, that night, hurled into the hell called Loha-
kumbhi. The king was sorely terrified and, to calm his fears, 39
his sister, Nanda, the theii free from the asavas, came to
him, passing through the air.

' An ill deed is this that thou hast done! Reconcile thee 40
with these venerable bhikkhus, the true believers. Placing
thyself on their side, protect thou their faith. If thou dost 41
so, blessed art thou ! ' she said, and thereon vanished. And
forthwith in the morning the king set out to go to Vesali.
He went to the Mahavana (monastery), assembled the con- 42
aTeo-ation of the bhikkhus there, and when he had heard what

£"> O •*

was said by both of the (opposing) sides, and had decided,
himself, for the true faith, when moreover this prince was 43
reconciled with all the rightly believing bhikkhus and had
declared that he was for the right belief, he said : ' Do what 44
ye think well to further the doctrine/ and when he had pro-
mised to be their protector, he returned to his capital.

Thereafter the brotherhood came together to decide upon 45
those points ; then, in the congregation (of monks), aimless 2
words were spent. Then the thera Revata, who went into the 46
midst of the brotherhood, resolved to settle the matter by
means of an ubbahika.3 He appointed four bhikkhus from 47
the East, and four from Pava, for the ubbahika to set the
dispute to rest. Sabbakami and Salha, one named Khujjaso- 48
bhita, and Vasabhagamika, these were the theras from the

1 Mulatthehi vina, lit. ' without those who were at the root.'

2 Anaggani bhassani 'aimless' or 'inexact' speeches. The
reading anaggani bhassani (Ed. Col. nantani bh°) is confirmed
by C.V. IV. 14. 19 and XII. 2. 7.

5 Ubbahikaya 'by means of a Eeferat\ the settlement of a dis-
pute being laid in the hands of certain chosen brethren. For the
rule on this, see C.V. IV. 14. 19 ff. ; Vin. Texts, iii (S.B.E. xx),
p. 49 ff.

24 Mahavamsa IV. 49

49 East; Revata, Sanasambhuta, Yasa, the son of Kakandaka,
and Sumana, these were the four theras from Pava.

50 Now to decide on those points the eight theras who were
free from the asavas betook them to the quiet and solitary

5 1 Valikarama. There, in the beautiful spot prepared for them by
the young Ajita,1 the great theras took up their abode, they who

52 knew the thoughts of the Greatest of Sages. And the great
thera Revata, skilled in questioning, questioned the thera

53 Sabbakami successively on each one of those points. Questioned
by him the great thera Sabbakami thus gave judgment : ' All

54 these points are unlawful, according to tradition/ And when,
in due order, they had ended (their task) in this place, they
did all again, in like manner, with question and answer, in the

55 presence of the brotherhood. And thus did the great theras
refute the teaching of those ten thousand heretical bhikkhus
who maintained the Ten Points.

56 Sabbakami was then the samghatthera on the earth, one
hundred and twenty years did he number since his upasam-
pada.

57 Sabbakami and Salha, Revata, Khujjasobhita, Yasa, the
son of Kakandaka, and Sambhuta Sanavasika, the six theras,

58 were pupils of the thera Ananda; but Vasabhagamika and

59 Sumana, the two theras, were pupils of the thera Anuruddha.
These eight fortunate theras had beheld the Tathagata in

60 time past. One hundred and twelve thousand bhikkhus had
come together, and of all these bhikkhus the thera Revata
then was the chief.

61 At that time the thera Revata, in order to hold a council,
that the true faith might long endure, chose seven hundred

62 out of all that troop of bhikkhus ; (those chosen were)
arahants endowed with the four special sciences, under-
standing of meanings and so forth,2 knowing the tipitaka.

1 The reading daharenajitenettha is confirmed by C.V. XII.
2. 7: atha kho samgho ayasinantam pi Ajitam sammanni
theranam bhikkhunam asanapannapakam (Vin. Pit. ii. 30534).

8 Pabhinnatthadinananam is explained in the Tika as
atthapatisambhidadipabhedagatanananam; atthadippa-
bhedagatehi patisambhidananehi samannagatanam ti

TV. 66 TJie Second Council 25

All these (theras met) in the Valikarama protected by 63
Kalasoka, under the leadership of the thera Revata, (and)
compiled the dhamma.1 Since they accepted the dhamma 64
already established in time past and proclaimed afterward,
they completed their work in eight months.

When these theras of high renown had held the Second 65
Council, they, since in them all evil had perished, attained in
course of time unto nibbana.

When we bethink us of the death of the sons of the 66
Universal Teacher, who were gifted with perfect insight, who
had attained all that is to attain, who had conferred blessings
on (the beings of) the three forms of existence,2 then may
we lay to heart the entire vanity of all that comes into being 3
and vigilantly strive (after deliverance).

Here ends the fourth chapter, called ' The Second Council ',
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

attho; adiggahanenettha dhammapatisambhidadini na-
nani gahitani. The compound means therefore literally, 'who
possess the specialized knowledge of the attha and so forth,1 that is,
the four patisambhida. By this term is understood 'a transcendent
faculty in grasping the meaning of a text or subject (attha) ; in
grasping the Law of all things as taught by the Buddha (dhamma) ;
in exegesis (nirutti); readiness in expounding and discussion
(patibhana) '. See Patisambhida-magga 1. 88.

1 Akarum dhammasamgaham. See note to 3. 17.

2 The three forms of existence are kamabhava, rupabhava,
arupabhava 'sensual existence, corporeal existence, formless exist-
ence1 (CHILDERS, P.D. s. vv.), that is, existences in the three worlds
so named, which together form that part of the universe called the
sattaloka, 'world of beings.' In this the kamaloka includes
the eleven lowest worlds, the rupaloka the sixteen higher, and the
arupaloka the four highest, celestial worlds.

3 Samkhatasarakattam : samkhata is a synonym of sam-
khara, and means in the widest sense the material and transitory
world. See CHILDERS, s. v. samkharo.

CHAPTER V

THE THIRD COUNCIL

1 THAT redaction of the true dhamma, which was arranged at
the beginning by the great theras Mahakassapa and others,

2 is called that of the theras. One and united was the school
of the theras in the first hundred years. But afterwards

3 arose other schools of doctrine.1 The heretical bhikkhus,
subdued by the theras who had held the Second Council,2 in

4 all ten thousand, founded the school which bears the name
Mahasamghika.3

From this arose the Gokulika and Ekavyoharika (schools).

5 From the Gokulika arose the Pannatti sect and the Bahulika,
from these the Cetiya sect. (Thus) there are six, with

G the Mahasamghika, and yet two more (groups) parted from
the followers of the Thera-doctrine : the Mahimsasaka and

7 the Vajjiputtaka bhikkhus. And there parted from them
likewise the Dhammuttariya and the Bhadrayanika bhikkhus,
the Chandagarika, the SammitI and the Vaj jiputtiya bhikkhus.

8 From the Mahimsasaka bhikkhus two (groups) parted, the
bhikkhus who held by the Sabbattha-school and the Dhamma-

9 guttika bhikkhus. From the Sabbattha sect arose the Kassa-
piya, from these arose the Samkantika bhikkhus, from these

10 last the Sutta sect. These are twelve together with (those
of) the Thera-doctrine; thereto are added the six schools
named and these together are eighteen.

11 Thus in the second century arose seventeen schools, and

12 other schools arose afterwards. The Hemavata and the

1 Aoariyavada stands in contrast to theravada. This latter
is the true and orthodox church community, the other expresses
collectively the various sects which arose in the course of time.

2 Tehi samgitikarehi therehi dutiyehi, lit. 'by those the
second council-holding theras '.

8 I. e. the ' Great Community '.

v. 21 Hie Third Council 27

Rajagiriya and likewise the Siddhatthaka, the first Seliya
bhikkhus, the other Seliya, and the Vajiriya : these six 13
separated (from the rest) in Jambudipa, the DhammarucI and
the Sagaliya separated (from the rest) in the island of Lanka.1

Here ends the Story of the Acariya-schools.

The sons of Kalasoka were ten brothers, twenty-two years 14
did they reign. Afterwards, the nine Nandas 2 were kings in 15
succession ; they too reigned twenty-two years.

Then did the brahman Canakka 3 anoint a glorious youth, 1 G
known by the name Candagutta, as king over all Jambudipa, 1 7
born of a noble clan, the Moriyas, when, filled with bitter hate,
he had slain the ninth (Nanda) Dhanananda.

Twenty-four years he reigned, and his son Bindusara reigned 18
twenty- eight. A hundred glorious sons and one had Bindu-
sara; 4 Asoka5 stood high above them all in valour, splendour, 19
might, and wondrous powers. He, when he had slain his 20
ninety-nine brothers born of different mothers, won the
undivided sovereignty over all Jambudlpa. Be it known, 21
that two hundred and eighteen years had passed from the
nibbana of the Master unto Asoka's consecration.

1 The Nikaya-samgraha (ed. WICKREMASINGHE, pp. II32 and
139j informs us that the DhammarucI branched off from the Thera-
vTiclins 454 years A. B., and the Sagaliya from the former 795 years
A. B. The former event took place under Vala-gam-ba (Vattagamani
Abhaya, see Mah. 33. 95 ff.), and the latter under Gothabhaya (see
Mah. 36. 110 if.).

2 The Mah. Tika, pp. 117-119, gives a detailed account of the Nanda
dynasty; also Kamb. Mah. V. 953-994.

3 On the Moriya dynasty and on Canakka and Candagutta see
Mah. Tfka, pp. 119-123; Kamb. Mah. V. 995-1090. Candragupta's
minister, Canakya, is also known to play an important part in the
Mudraraksasa. See SYLVAIN LEVI, Le Theatre Indien, pp. 226 ff.
A work on politics, ascribed to him, the Kautiliyasastra, still exists.
HILLEBRANDT, Uber das Kautiliyasastra und Verwandtes. Cp. also
LA. 38, 1909, pp. 257 ff.

4 On Bindusara and on Candagutta's death see Mah. Tika, pp. 124,
125; Kamb. Mah. V. 1092-1128.

5 On Asoka's birth and early youth, see Mah. Tika, pp. 125-128 ;
Kamb. Mah. V. 1129-1198.

28 MaJiavamsa V. 22

22 Four years after the famous (Asoka) had won for himself
the undivided sovereignty he consecrated himself as king in

23 the city Pataliputta. Straightway after his consecration his
command spread so far as a yojana (upward) into the air and
downward into the (depths of the) earth.1

24 Day by day did the devas bring eight men's loads of water
of (the lake) Anotatta ; the king dealt it out to his people.

25 From the Himalaya did the devas bring for cleansing the
teeth twigs of naga-creeper, enough for many thousands,

26 healthful fruits, myrobalan and terminalia and mango-
fruits from the same place, perfect in colour, smell, and

27 taste. The spirits of the air2 brought garments of five
colours, and yellow stuff for napkins, and also celestial drink

28 from the Chaddanta-lake.3 Out of the naga-kingdom the
nagas (brought) stuff, coloured like the jasmine-blossom and
without a seam, and celestial lotus-flowers and colly rium and

29 unguents; parrots brought daily from the Chaddanta-lake

30 ninety thousand waggon-loads of rice.4 Mice converted this
rice, unbroken, into grains without husk or powder, and

3 1 therewith was meal provided for the royal family. Perpetually
did honey-bees prepare honey for him, and in the forges bears

32 swung the hammers. Karavika-birds, graceful and sweet

33 of voice, came and made delightful music for the king. And
being consecrated king, Asoka raised his youngest brother
Tissa, son of his own mother, to the office of vice-regent.

Here ends the Consecration of the pious Asoka.

34 ( Asoka' s) father had shown hospitality to sixty thousand

1 The sense of this passage, not rightly understood up to the present
time, is evidently this : not only men upon the earth but also the
spirits of the air and the earth heard and obeyed Asoka's command.

2 The marii (Skt. marut) in contrast to the deva in 24.

3 Hera follow two spurious verses, 'To die(?) in this city there
came gazelles, boars, birds into the kitchens and willingly perished.
Leopards were used to take the herds to pasture and lead them to
their stalls, gazelles and boars were used to watch over fields, plots,
and ponds and so forth.'

4 On parrots furnishing hill paddy, see Jdt. i, pp. 3251-3, 3276 foil. ;
MORRIS, J.P.T.S. 1884, p. 107.

V. 46 Hie Tliird Council 29

brahmans, versed in the Brahma-doctrine, and in like manner
he himself nourished them for three years. But when he 35
saw their want of self-control at the distribution of food he
commanded his ministers saying : ' (Hereafter) I will give
according- to my choice.' The shrewd (king) bade (them) 36
bring the followers of the different schools into his presence,
tested them in an assembly, and gave them to eat, and sent
them thence when he had entertained them.

As he once, standing at the window, saw a peaceful ascetic, 37
the samanera Nigrodha, passing along the street, he felt
kindly toward him. The youth was the son of prince 38
Sumana, the eldest brother of all the sons of Bindusara.

When Bindusara had fallen sick Asoka left the govern- 39
ment of Ujjeni conferred on him by his father, and came
to Pupphapura,1 and when he had made himself master of 40
the city, after his father's death, he caused his eldest brother
to be slain and took on himself the sovereignty in the
splendid city.

The consort of prince Sumana, who bore the same name 41
(Sumanfi), being with child, fled straightway by the east
gate and went to a candala village, and there the guardian 42
god of a nigrodha-tree 2 called her by her name, built a hut
and gave it to her. And as, that very day, she bore a 43
beautiful boy, she gave to her son the name Nigrodha,
enjoying the protection of the guardian god. When the 44
headman of the candalas saw (the mother), he looked on her
as his own wife, and kept her seven years with honour. Then, 45
as the thcra Mahavaruna saw that the boy bore the signs of
his destiny,3 the arahant questioned his mother and ordained 46
him, and even in the room where they shaved him4 he

1 See note to 4. 31. UJJENI, Skr. Ujjayini, now Ujjain in the
Gwalior State, Central India, was the old capital of Avanti. RHYS
DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 3 foil.

2 Nigrodha = Ficus Indica, banyan-tree.

3 Upanissaya includes all those qualities, aptitudes and marks
of an individual, which show that he is qualified to attain ara-
hantship.

4 The shaving of the hair is one of the ceremonies at the reception
of a novice into the order.

30 Mahavamsa v. 47

attained to the state of arahant. Going thence to visit his

47 royal mother, he entered the splendid city by the south gate,
and following the road that led to that village, he passed

48 (on his way) the king's court. Well pleased was the king by
his grave bearing, but kindly feeling arose in him also by
reason of a former life lived together.

49 Now once, in time past, there were three brothers, traders
in honey ; one was used to sell the honey, two to get the

50 honey. A certain paccekabuddha was sick of a wound; and
another paccekabuddha, who, for his sake, wished for honey,

51 came even then to the city on his usual way for seeking alms.
A maiden, who was going for water to the river-bank, saw

52 him. When she knew, from questioning him, that he wished
for honey, she pointed with hand outstretched and said :
' Yonder is a honey-store, sir, go thither.1

53 The trader, with believing heart, gave to the buddha who
came there a bowlful of honey, so that it ran over the edge.

54 As he saw the honey filling (the bowl) and flowing over the
edge, and streaming down to the ground, he, full of faith,

55 wished: 'May I, for this gift, come by the undivided sove-
reignty of Jambudipa, and may my command reach forth
a yojana (upward) into the air and (downward) under the earth.

56 To his brothers as they came, he said: ' To a man of such
and such a kind have I given honey ; agree thereto since the

57 honey is yours also/ The eldest brother said grudgingly :
( It was surely a candala, for the candalas ever clothe them-

58 selves in yellow garments.' The second said: 'Away with
thy paccekabuddha over the sea ! ' But when they heard his
promise to let them participate of the reward, they gave their

59 sanction. Then the (maid who) had pointed out the store
wished that she might become the royal spouse of the (first),
and (desired) a lovely form with limbs of perfect outline.1

60 Asoka was he who gave the honey, the queen Asamdhi-
mitta was the maid, Nigrodha he who uttered the word
' candala', Tissa he who had wished him away over the sea.2

61 He who had uttered the word ' candfila' lived (in expiation

1 Adissamanasamdhi means literally ' with invisible joints '.

2 Paravadi, lit. ' who had spoken of the further shore.'

v. 69 The Third Council 31

thereof) in a candala village, but because he had desired
deliverance, he also, even in the seventh year, attained unto
deliverance.1

The king, in whom kindly feelings had arisen towards that 62
same (Nigrodha), summoned him in all haste into his presence;
but he came staidly and calmly thither. And the king said 63
to him : ' Sit, my dear, upon a fitting seat.' Since he saw no
other bhikkhu there he approached the royal throne. Then, 64
as he stepped toward the throne, the king thought : ' To-day,
this sfimanera will be lord in my house ! ' Leaning on the 65
king's hand he (the monk) mounted the throne and took his
seat on the royal throne under the white canopy. And seeing 66
him seated there king Asoka rejoiced greatly that he had
honoured him according to his rank.2 "When he had refreshed 67
him with hard and soft foods prepared for himself he questioned
the samanera concerning the doctrine taught by the Sambuddha.
Then the samanera preached to him the 'Appamadavagga'.3 68

And when the lord of the earth had heard him he was won
to the doctrine of the Conqueror, and he said to (Nigrodha) : 69
' My dear, I bestow on thee eight perpetual supplies of food/
And he answered : ' These will I bestow on my master.' 4

1 The stop should be put after a si. Pa tthesi refers to the existence
as m a d h u v a n i j a. When the eldest b rother had transferred the p a 1 1 i
('reward') to his younger brothers each one of them uttered a
patthana, that of the third was mokkha, i.e. the attainment of
arahantship.

2 Sambhavetvana gunato is an allusion to 63. The king leaves
it to Nigrodha to choose his own place since he does not know his
rank. From the fact of Nigrodha's seating himself on the throne
Asoka perceives that a monk of the highest rank is before him, and
he rejoices that he did not assign a lower place to him.

3 I. e. the section entitled ' unwearying zeal '. There are eleven
minor vaggas in the Samyutta-Nikaya, bearing this title, and nine
Appamadasuttas.

4 Upajjhayassa. Every novice on his entrance into the order
chooses an upajjhaya ' a master', and an acariya 'teacher'. It
appears from M.V. 1. 25. 6 ff., 32. 1 if., that there is no difference
between the functions of the two. The acariya seems, according
to M.V. I. 32. 1, to be only the deputy or substitute of the upaj-
jhaya.

32 Mahdvamsa v. 70

70 When again eight (supplies) were bestowed on him he allotted
these to his teacher ; and when yet eight more were bestowed

71 he gave them to the community of bhikkhus. And when
yet again eight were bestowed, he, full of understanding,
consented to accept them. Together with thirty-two bhik-

72 khus, he went on the following day, and when he had been
served by the king with his own hands, and had preached the
doctrine to the ruler, he confirmed him with many of his
train in the refuges and precepts of duty.1

Here ends the Visit of the samanera Nigrodha.

73 Thereon the king, with glad faith, doubled day by day
(the number) of bhikkhus (receiving bounty), till they were

74 sixty thousand. Putting aside the sixty thousand teachers of
false doctrine,2 he bestowed alms perpetually on sixty thousand
bhikkhus in his house.

75 Having commanded costly foods, hard and soft, to be
prepared speedily, in order to feast the sixty thousand bhik-

76 khus, and having caused the town to be gaily decked, he
went to the brotherhood and bade them to his house ; and
after he had brought them thither, had bestowed hospitality
on them and largely provided them with the things needful

77 for ascetics,3 he questioned them thus: ' How great is (the
content of) the dhamma taught by the Master ? ' And the
thera Moggaliputta-Tissa answered him upon this matter.

78 When he heard : * There are eighty-four (thousand) sections of
the dhamma/ the king said : ' Each one of them will I honour
with a vihara.'

79 Then bestowing ninety-six kotis (of money) in eighty-four

80 thousand towns, the ruler bade the kings all over the earth

1 See note to 1. 32.

2 Titthiyanam. Those whom his father (according to v. 34) had
already supported and whom Asoka did in fact entertain, with certain
changes. He now gradually substituted Buddhist monks. Verses
73 and 74 are suspicious, since the Tlka does not comment on them.

3 Sam a naka, see note to 4. 26.

v. 92 The Tliird Council 33

begin (to build) viharas and he himself began to build the
Asokarama.1

With the grant for the three gems,2 for Nigrodha and for 81
the sick, he bestowed in (support of) the faith for each of
them a hundred thousand (pieces of money) each day. With the 82
treasure spent for the Buddha the (priests) held thupa-offerings 3
of many kinds continually in many viharas. With the treasure 83
spent for the dhamma the people continually prepared the
four things needful for the use of bhikkhus who were learned
in the doctrine. Of the loads of water borne from the 84
Anotatta-lake he bestowed four on the brotherhood, one every
day to sixty theras who knew the tipitaka ; but one he had 85
commanded to be given to the queen Asamdhimitta, while
the king himself had but two for his own use. To the sixty 86
thousand bhikkhus and to sixteen thousand women (of the
palace), he gave day by day those tooth-sticks called naga-
lata.4

When, one day, the monarch heard of the naga-king 87
Mahakala of wondrous might, who had beheld four Buddhas,
who had lived through one age of the world, he sent for him 88
to be brought (into his presence) fettered with a chain of
gold ; and when he had brought him and made him sit upon
the throne under the white canopy, when he had done homage 89
to him with (gifts of) various flowers, and had bidden the
sixteen thousand women (of the palace) to surround him, he
(the king) spoke thus : * Let us behold the (bodily) form of the 90
omniscient Great Sage, of Him who hath boundless know-
ledge, who hath set rolling the wheel of the true doctrine.'
The naga-king created a beauteous figure of the Buddha, 91
endowed with the thirty-two greater signs and brilliant
with the eighty lesser signs (of a Buddha), surrounded by the 92

1 The Asoka monastery in the capital Pataliputta.

2 Ratanattayam. The three gems are Buddha, dhamma, samgha:
Buddha, his doctrine and community, see note on 1. 32.

5 Thupapuja. The tope (thupa) is never missing from a Buddhist
monastery. Festivals of which a tope is the centre are frequently
mentioned in the Mahavamsa.

* The naga-creeper. See 5. 25.

34 Mahavamsa v. 93

fathom-long rays of glory and adorned with the crown of
flames.1

At the sight thereof the king was filled with joy and amaze-

93 ment and thought : f Even such is the image created by this
(Mahakala), nay then, what (must) the (real) form of the
Tathagata have been ! ' And he was more and more uplifted

94 with joy, and for seven days without ceasing did he, the great
king of wondrous power, keep the great festival called the
' Feast of the eyes '.2

Here ends the Entrance (of Asoka) into the doctrine.

95 Now the mighty and believing king and thera Moggaliputta
had already in former times been seen by the holy ones.3

96 At the time of the Second Council, the theras, looking into
the future, saw the downfall of the faith in the time of that

97 king. Looking around in the whole world for one who should
be able to stay that downfall, they saw the Brahma Tissa4

98 who had not long to live (in the Brahma heaven). To him
they went and prayed him, the mighty in wisdom, to bring
this downfall to nought by being reborn himself among men.

99 And he granted their prayer, desiring that the doctrine should
shine forth in brightness. But to the youthful Siggava and

100 Candavajji the sages spoke thus: 'When a hundred and
eighteen years are passed the downfall of the religion will

101 begin. We shall not live to see that (time). You, bhikkhus,

1 On the signs of a Buddha, see the Lakkhana Suttanta in D. Ill,
p. 142 foil., and GRUNWEDEL, Buddhistische Kunst in Indien, p. 138 foil.

2Akkhipuja. It corresponds to our 'consecration'. See Vin.
iii. 300.

3 Vaslhi = ' by those who have the senses under control '. In the
Kamb. Mahav. follows here (vv. 1276-1338) an episode relating to
Asamdhiinitta. Asoka puts his consort to the test, she having boasted
of merit acquired. He requires of her that she shall provide, between
one day and another, robes for the 60,000 monks. With the help of
the god Kubera, who remembers the kindness shown by her to the
paccekabuddha (see above, vv. 51 foil.), she accomplishes what the
king demands of her.

4 Tissa, a dweller in the Brahma heaven.

V. 112 The TJiird Council 35

have had no part in this matter x therefore you merit punish-
ment, and your punishment shall be this: that the doctrine 102
may shine forth in brightness, the Brahma Tissa, mighty in
wisdom, will be reborn in the house of the brahman Moggali.
As time passes on one of you shall receive the boy into the 103
order, another shall carefully instruct him in the word of the
Sambuddha.

There was a thera Dasaka— disciple of the thera Upali. 104
Sonaka was his (Dasaka's) disciple, and both those theras
were disciples of Sonaka.

In former times there lived in Vesall a learned brahman 105
named Dasaka. As the eldest of three hundred disciples he 106
dwelt with his teacher, and at the end of twelve years having
come to the end of (studying) the vedas, he, going about
with the (other) disciples, met the thera Upali, dwelling
at the Valika-monastery, after he had established the sacred 107
word (in council), and sitting down near him he questioned
him concerning hard passages in the vedas, and the other
expounded them to him. ' A doctrine is come after all the 108
doctrines, O brahman, yet all doctrines end in the one
doctrine; which is that one?'

Thus spoke the thera concerning the name (of the true 109
doctrine), but the young brahman knew it not. He asked :
1 What manta is this ? ' and when the answer was given : ' The
manta of the Buddha,' he said: ' Impart it to me,' and the 110
other answered : ' We impart it (only) unto one who wears
our robe.'

And he (Dasaka) asked his teacher and also his father and
mother on behalf of that manta.2 When he with three 111
hundred young brahmans had received from the thera the
pabbajja the brahman in time received the upasampada.
Then to a thousand (disciples) who had overcome the asavas,3 112

1 Imam adhikaranam, that is, in the work of the Second
Council.

2 That is, he asked if he might be permitted to learn it under the
condition mentioned.

3 By khinasava in v. 112 (see note on 3. 9) are understood the
arahants; by ariya in v. 113, all the Buddha's hearers (Vibhanga

D 2

3 6 Mahdvamsa v. 1 1 3

among whom was the thera Dasaka, did the thera Upali teach

113 the whole tipitaka. Past reckoning is the number of the
other Ariyas, and of those who yet stood outside (the religion),
by whom the pitakas were learned from the thera.

114 In the land of the Kasi * lived the son of a caravan-guide,
named Sonaka. With his father and mother he had come

115 trading, to Giribbaja.2 He went, youth as he was, fifteen
years old, into the Veluvana 3 (monastery) ; fifty-five young
brahmans, his companions, came with him.

116 When he saw the thera Dasaka there with his disciples
around him, faith came to him and he asked him for the
pabbajja- ordination. (The thera) said: f Ask thy teacher.'

117 Afterwards, the young Sonaka, having fasted three meal-times
and won his parents' leave to enter the order, came again,

118 and then, when he had received from the thera Dasaka
the pabbajja and the upasanipada, together with those other

119 youths, he learned the three pitakas. Amid the company of
the thousand disciples of the thera, who had overcome the
asavas, who were versed in the pitakas, the ascetic Sonaka
was the foremost.

120 In the city that bears the name of the patali flower4 there
lived the wise Siggava, son of a minister. He, when eighteen

121 years old and dwelling in three palaces fitted for the three
seasons of the year, went, in company with his friend

122 Candavajji, a minister's son, and surrounded by five hundred
followers, to the Kukkutarama,5 and visited the thera Sonaka.

123 And when he perceived that (the thera) sat sunk in a trance

372), by puthujjana the remaining multitude who still stand
outside the way leading to perfection.

1 The Kasis (Skr. kasi) are one of the sixteen tribes of northern
India, settled in the district round Benares. Kasi is also the old
name of Benares. RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 24.

2 The old capital of Magadha, Skr. girivraja 'Mountain Strong-
hold '. It was situated on the top of a hill, at the foot of which
afterwards Rajagaha was built. RHYS DAVIDS, I c., p. 37.

8 I. e. Bamboo-grove.

4 I.e. Pataliputta. See note to 4. 31. Patali Bignonia suave-
olens.

6 A monastery in Pataliputta. V. A. SMITH, Asoka, pp. 183, 193, 194.

v. 135 The Third Council 37

with senses restrained * and did not answer his greeting, he
asked the brotherhood about this matter. They said : ' Those 124
who are deep in a trance give no reply.' (So he asked) f How
come they forth from (the trance) ? ' And the bhikkhus said :
c At a call from the master, or a call from the brotherhood, or 125
when the allotted time is ended, or at the approach of death
they come forth (from the trance).' 126

As they saw, speaking thus, that these (youths) were
destined for holiness,2 they caused the call from the brother-
hood to be given ; and (the thera) awoke from the trance and
went to them. The youth asked : 'Wherefore didst thou not 127
speak to me, venerable one ? ' The (thera) answered : ' We
were enjoying that which is for us to enjoy.' The (young
man) said: ' Let us also enjoy this.' He answered: 'Those 128
only can we cause to enjoy it who are like unto us.'

Then, with their parents' leave, the young Siggava and 129
Candavajji and their five hundred followers likewise received
the pabbajja and (afterwards) the upasampada-ordination from
the thera Sonaka. With him as their master the two eagerly 130
studied the three pitakas and attained to the six supernormal
powers.3

Thereafter when Siggava knew that Tissa had been born 131
into this world, the thera, from that time, frequented his
house for seven years. And not for seven years did it befall 132
him to hear the words ' Go further on ' (said to him). But in
the eighth year did he hear those words t Go further on ', in
that house. As he went forth the brahman Moggali, who was 133
even then coming in, saw him and asked him : ' Hast thou
received aught in our house ? ' And he answered : ' Yes.'
When (Moggali) went into his house he heard (what had 134
befallen) and when the thera came to the house again, on the
second day afterwards, he reproached him with the lie. And 135

1 Samapattisamapannam. 'There are eight samapattis,
attainments or endowments, which are eight successive states induced
by the ecstatic meditation,' CHILDERS, P.D. s.v. See SPENCE HARDY,
Manual of Buddhism, p. 170, and J.P.T.S., 1909, p. 61.

a See note to 5. 45.

3 On the six abhinna, see note to 4. 12.

38 Mahdvamsa v. 136

when he had heard the thera's words the brahman, full of

136 faith, gave him continual alms of his own food, and little by
little did all of his household become believers, and the
brahman continually offered hospitality (to the thera), giving
him a seat in his house.

137 So as time passed the young- Tissa gradually came to the
age of sixteen years and reached the further shore of the

138 ocean of the three vedas. The thera, thinking that he might
have speech with him in this way, made all the seats in his

139 house to vanish, save the seat of the young brahman. Being
come from the Brahma-world (this latter) loved cleanliness,
and therefore were they used to keep his chair hung up for
better care thereof.1

140 Then the people in the house, finding no other seat, full of
confusion, since the thera had to stand, prepared the seat

141 of the young Tissa for him. When the young brahman re-
turned from his teacher's house and saw (the thera) sitting
there he fell into anger and spoke to him in unfriendly wise.

142 The thera said to him: 'Young man, dost thou know the
manta ? ' And the young brahman (for answer) asked him the

143 same question again. Since the thera replied : ' I know it/ he
asked him concerning hard passages in the vedas. The thera

144 expounded them to him; for, when leading the lay life, he
had already studied the vedas even to the end. How should
he not be able to expound them since he had mastered the
four special sciences ? 2

145 ' For him whose thought arises and does not perish, thought
shall perish and not arise (again) ; but for him whose thought
shall perish and not arise, thought shall arise (again) and not
perish/3

1 This verse is suspicious ; the Tika makes no comment on it.

2 Pabhinnapatisambhida, see note to 4. 62.

3 A play on the double meaning of cittam and nirujjhati.
Whosoever thinks aright and whose thought does not go astray,
i. e. whosoever knows the truth, his intellect comes unto nibbana
never to return again. But on the other hand, he who does not think
aright and does not follow the true doctrine will enter into a new
existence and will not reach deliverance.

v. 155 The Third Council 39

The wise thera asked this question from the (chapter called) 146
Cittayamaka.1 And it was as the (darkness of) night to the
other, and he said to him: 'What kind of manta is that, 147
O bhikkhu ? ' < The manta of the Buddha/ answered (the
thera) ; and when the other said : ' Impart it to me/ he said :
' I impart it (only) to one who wears our robe.' 2

So with the leave of his father and mother (the young man) 148
received the pabbajja-ordination, for the sake of the manta,
and the thera, when he had ordained him, imparted to him
duly the (method of the) kammatthanas.3 By practice of 149
meditation this highly gifted man soon won the fruit of sota-
patti,4 and when the thera was aware of this he sent him to 150
the thera Candavajji that he might learn the suttapitaka
and abhidhammapitaka of him. And this he learned (from
Candavajji).

And thereafter the monk Siggava, having conferred on him 151
the upasampada, taught him the vinaya and again instructed
him in the two other (pitakas). When, afterwards, the young 152
Tissa had gained the true insight,5 he attained in time to the
mastery of the six supernormal powers and reached the rank
of a thera. Far and wide shone his renown like the sun and 153
moon. The world paid heed to his word even as to the word
of the Sambuddha.

Here ends the Story of the thera Tissa, the son of Moggali.

One day the prince6 (Tissa) when hunting saw gazelles 154
sporting joyously in the wild. And at this sight he thought :
4 Even the gazelles sport thus joyously, who feed on grass in 155

1 I. e. ' The double thought/ The reference is to the Yama-
kappakarana of the abhidhamma.

2 Cf. 5. 109, 110.

s Kammatthana 'The foundations of (right) acting'. By this
is meant the right method for the practice of meditation. See
CHILDERS, P.D. s. v.

4 I. e. the first stage of sanctification. See note to 1. 33.

5 The vipassana is one of the signs of the arahant. It is tenfold.
See the details in AUNG, Compendium of Philosophy, pp. 65 foil., 180.

6 U p a r a j a, viceregent.

40 MaMvamsa V. 156

the wild. Wherefore are not the bhikkhus joyous and gay,
who have their food and dwelling1 in comfort ? '

156 Returned home he told the king his thought. To teach
him the king handed over to him the government of the

157 kingdom for one week, saying : 'Enjoy, prince, for one week,
my royal state ; then will I put thee to death.' Thus said the
ruler.

158 And when the week was gone by he asked : ' Wherefore art
thou thus wasted away ? ' And when (Tissa) answered : ' By
reason of the fear of death/ the king spoke again to him

159 and said: 'Thinking that thou must die when the week was
gone by, thou wast no longer joyous and gay; how then
can ascetics be joyous and gay, my dear, who think ever
upon death ? '

160 And (Tissa) when his brother spoke thus, was turned toward
faith in the doctrine (of the Buddha). And afterwards when

161 he once went forth hunting, he saw the thera Mahadham-
marakkhita, the self-controlled, sitting at the foot of a tree,

162 and fanned by a cobra with a branch of a sala-tree. And that
wise (prince) thought: 'When shall I, like this thera, be
ordained in the religion of the Conqueror, and live in the
forest-wilderness ? '

163 When the thera, to convert him, had come thither flying
through the air, standing on the water of the pond in the

164 Asokarama, he, leaving his goodly garments behind him in the

165 air, plunged into the water and bathed his limbs. And when
the prince saw this marvel he was filled with joyful faith, and
the wise man made this wise resolve: 'This very day will

166 I receive the pabbajja-ordination.' He went to the king and
respectfully besought him to let him receive the pabbajja.
Since the king could not turn him from (his resolve) he took

167 him with him and went with a great retinue to the vihara.
There (the prince) received the pabbajja from the thera

168 Mahadhammarakkhita and with him four hundred thousand
persons, but the number of those who afterwards were ordained

169 is not known. A nephew of the monarch known by the
name Aggibrahma was the consort of the king's daughter

170 Samghamitta and the son of these two (was) named

V. 182 The Third Council 41

Sumana.1 He (Aggibrahma) also craved the king's leave and
was ordained together with the prince.

The prince's ordination, whence flowed blessing to many 171
folk, was in the fourth year of (the reign of) king Asoka. In 172
the same year he received the upasampada-ordination, and
since his destiny was holiness2 the prince, zealously striv-
ing, became an arahant, gifted with the six supernormal
powers.

All those beautiful viharas (then) begun they duly finished 173
in all the cities within three years; but. by the miraculous 174
power of the thera Indagutta, who watched over the work,
the arama named after Asoka was likewise quickly brought
to completion. On those spots which the Conqueror himself 175
had visited the monarch built beautiful cetiyas here and there.
On every side from the eighty-four thousand cities came letters 176
on one day with the news : ( The viharas are completed.'

When the great king, great in majesty, in wondrous power 177
and valour, received the letters, he, desiring to hold high
festival in all the aramas at once, proclaimed in the town 178
with beat of drum : ' On the seventh day from this day shall
a festival of all the aramas be kept, in every way, in all the
provinces. Yojana by yojana on the earth shall great largess 179
be given ; the aramas in the villages and the streets shall be
adorned. In all the viharas let lavish gifts of every kind be 180
bestowed upon the brotherhood, according to the time and the
means (of givers), and adornments, such as garlands of lamps 181
and garlands of flowers, here and there, and all that is meet
for festivals,3 with music of every kind, in manifold ways.
And all are to take upon themselves the duties of the 182
uposatha-day and hear religious discourse, and offerings of

1 In my edition of the text the stop should be deleted after
samiko and put after namato. So pi in v. 170 refers to Aggi-
brahma.

2 He was sampannaupanissayo. Cf. note to 5. 45.

3 Upahara. The Tika explains this word thus: sabbe gan-
dhabba sakasakaturiy abhandam gahetva tattha tattha
viharesu gandhabbam va karontu ti attho 'Let all the
minstrels taking each his own instrument of music play in the
viharas everywhere'.

42 Mahavamsa V. 183

183 many kinds must they make on the same day.' And all the
people everywhere held religious festivals of every kind,
glorious as the world of gods,1 even as had been commanded
and (did) yet more.

184 On that day the great king wearing all his adornments
with the women of his household, with his ministers and sur-

185 rounded by the multitude of his troops, went to his own arama,
as if cleaving the earth. In the midst of the brotherhood he

186 stood, bowing down to the venerable brotherhood. In the
assembly were eighty kotis of bhikkhus, and among these

187 were a hundred thousand ascetics who had overcome the
asavas. Moreover there were ninety times one hundred thou-

188 sand bhikkhums, and among these a thousand had overcome
the asavas. These (monks and nuns) wrought the miracle
called the ' unveiling of the world ' to the end that the king

189 Dhammasoka might be converted. — Candasoka (the wicked
Asoka) was he called in earlier times, by reason of his evil
deeds ; he was known as Dhammasoka (the pious Asoka) after-

190 wards because of his pious deeds. — He looked around over the
(whole) Jambudipa bounded by the ocean and over all the

191 viharas adorned with the manifold (beauties of) the festival —
and with exceeding joy, as he saw them, he asked the brethren,
while taking his seat : f Whose generosity toward the doctrine
of the Blessed One was ever (so) great (as mine), venerable
sirs?'

192 The thera Moggaliputta answered the king's question :
' Even in the lifetime of the Blessed One there was no generous
giver like to thee.'

193 When the king heard this he rejoiced yet more and asked :
'Nay then, is there a kinsman of Buddha's religion2 like
unto me ? '

194 But the thera perceived the destiny of the king's son

1 The Tika understands the word devalokamanorama thus,
and adds: nakkhattaghutthe devanagare devagana viya
manussa manorama mahapuja patiyadesum ti attho 'As
the multitudes of gods in the celestial city, where festival has been
proclaimed, so did men arrange splendid offerings'.

2 Sasanadayada: evidently the term is a title of honour.

V. 206 The Third Council 43

Mahinda1 and of his daughter Samghamitta, and foresaw the 195
progress of the doctrine that was to arise from (them), and
he, on whom lay the charge of the doctrine, replied thus to
the king : ' Even a lavish giver of gifts like to thee is not 1 96
a kinsman of the religion; giver of wealth2 is he called, O 197
ruler of men. But he who lets son or daughter enter the
religious order is a kinsman of the religion and withal a giver
of gifts/

Since the monarch would fain become a kinsman of the 198
religion he asked Mahinda and Samghami£ta, who stood near:
' Do you wish to receive the pabbajja, dear ones? The 199
pabbajja is held to be a great (good).' Then, when they heard
their father's words, they said to him : ' This very day we 200
would fain enter the order, if thou, O king, dost wish it ; for
us, even as for thee, will blessing come of our pabbajja/

For already since the time of the prince's (Tissa's) pabbajja 201
had he resolved to enter the order, and she since (the ordina-
tion) of Aggibrahma.3 Although the monarch wished to confer 202
on Mahinda the dignity of prince-regent, yet did he consent
to his ordination with the thought : ' This (last) is the greater
dignity/ So he permitted his dear son Mahinda, distin- 203
guished (above all others) by intelligence, beauty and strength,
and his daughter Samghamitta, to be ordained with all
solemnity.4

At that time Mahinda, the king's son, was twenty years 204
old, and the king's daughter Samghamitta was then eighteen
years old. On the very same day did he receive the pabbajja- 205
and also the upasampada-ordination, and for her the pabbajja-
ordination and the placing under a teacher 5 took place on the
same day.

The prince's master6 was the thera named after Moggali; 7 206

1 See note to 5. 45.

2 Paccayadayaka. On paccaya see note to 3. 14.

3 Cf. 5. 167, 170.

4 The Tlka explains samaham by sapujasakkaram.

5 This was necessary as Samghamitta was not of the prescribed age.

6 Upajjhaya, see note to 5. 69.

7 That is, Moggaliputtatissa, ' Tissa, the son of Moggali.1

44 Mahavamsa V. 207

the pabbajja-ordination was conferred on him by the thera

207 Mahadeva, but Majjhantika pronounced the ceremonial words,1
and even in the very place where he (received) the upasam-
pada-ordination this great man reached the state of an arahant
together with the special kinds of knowledge.2

208 The directress of Samghamitta was the renowned Dhamma-
pala, and her teacher was Ayu,pala ; in time she became free

209 from the asavas. Those two lights of the doctrine, who
brought great blessing to the island of Lanka, received the
pabbajja in the sixth year of king Dhammasoka. The great

210 Mahinda, the converter of the island (of Lanka), learned the
three pitakas with his master in three years. This bhikkhum,

211 even like the new moon, and the bhikkhu Mahinda, like the
sun, illumined always the slcy, the doctrine of the Sambuddha.

212 Once in time past, a dweller in the forest, who went forth
into the forest from Pataliputta, loved a wood-nymph named

213 Kunti. Owing to the union with him she bore two sons, the
elder was Tissa and the younger was named Sumitta. After-

214 wards both received the pabbajja-ordination from the thera
Mahavaruna and attained to arahantship and the possession
of the six supernormal powers.

215 (Once) the elder suffered pains in the foot from the poison
of a venomous insect, and when his younger brother asked
(what he needed) he told him that a handful of ghee was the

216 remedy. But the thera set himself against pointing out to
the king what things needful in sickness,3 and against going

217 in search of the ghee after the midday meal.4 ' If , on thy
begging-round, thou receivest ghee, bring it to me/ said the

218 thera Tissa to the excellent thera Sumitta. When he went

1 Kammavacam aka: i.e. he was president of the chapter
when Mahinda was ordained. Kammavaca 'is the name of the
proceedings at a ka mm a or ecclesiastical act, by which some question
is decided by vote'. CHILDERS, P.D. s. v.

2 See note to 5. 144.

3 Gilanapaccaye is a ' locative of aim ', which concurs with the
' final dative ' (SPEYER, Ved. and Skr. Syntax, para. 81 b), and refers
tonivedanam 'informing, announcement'.

4 The begging-round of the mendicants must be carried out in the
forenoon, according to the rules of the order.

v. 228 TJie Third Council 45

forth on his begging-round he received not one handful of
ghee, and (in the meanwhile) the pain had come to such a pass
that even a hundred vessels of ghee could not have cured it.
And because of that malady the thera was near to death, 219
and when he had exhorted (the other) to strive unceasingly he
formed the resolve to pass into nibbana.

Lifted up in the air as he sat, and winning mastery of his 220
own body by the fire-meditation,1 according to his own free
resolve, he passed into nibbana. Flantes that broke forth 221
from his body consumed the flesh and skin of the thera's whole
body,2 the bones they did not consume.

When the monarch heard that the thera had died in this 222
wise he went to his own arama surrounded by the multitude
of his troops. Mounted on an elephant the king brought 223
down the bones,3 and when he had caused due honour to be
paid to the relics, he questioned the brotherhood as to (the
thera's) illness. Hearing about it he was greatly moved, 224
and had tanks made at the city gates and filled them with
remedies for the sick, and day by day he had remedies be- 225
stowed on the congregation of the bhikkhus, thinking : might
the bhikkhus never find remedies hard to obtain.

The thera Sumitta passed into nibbana even when he was 226
walking (in meditation) in the cahkama-hall,4 and by this
also was a great multitude of people converted to the doctrine
(of the Buddha). Both these theras, the sons of Kunti, who 227
had wrought a great good in the world, passed into nibbana
in the eighth year of Asoka.

From that time onwards the revenues of the brotherhood 228

1 Tejojhanavasena. The meditating ascetic concentrates all
his thoughts on the concept 'fire' (tejo) which is one of the ten
kasinani or divisions of kammatthana (see CHILDERS, s.v.
kasino, and note to 5. 148) ; the effect is that a fire arises within his
body which consumes him.

2 Nimmamsaccharikam dahi sakalam kayam, literally,
' burned the whole body into a fleshless and skinless one.'

3 Which were still floating in the air.

4 A cankama belongs to each vihara. It is 'a straight piece of
ground cleared and levelled for the purpose of walking up and down
upon for exercise and meditation '. See S.B.E. xx, p. 103, n. 1.

46 Mahavartisa V. 229

were exceeding great, and since those who were converted

229 later caused the revenues to increase, heretics who had (thereby)
lost revenue and honour took likewise the yellow robe, for the

230 sake of revenue, and dwelt together with thebhikkhus. They
proclaimed their own doctrines as the doctrine of the Buddha
and carried out their own practices even as they wished.

231 And when the thera Moggaliputta, great in firmness of
soul, saw the coming-out of this exceedingly evil plague-boil

232 on the doctrine, he, far-seeing, deliberated upon the right time
to do away with it. And when he had committed his great
company of bhikkhus to (the direction of) the thera Mahinda,

233 he took up his abode, all alone, further up the Ganges on the
Ahogahga-mountain, and for seven years he gave himself up
to solitary retreat.

234 By reason of the great number of the heretics and their
unruliness, the bhikkhus could not restrain them by the law ;

23,5 and therefore the bhikkhus in Jambudlpa for seven years held
no uposatha-ceremony nor the ceremony of pavarana in all
the aramas.

236 When the great king, the famed Dhammasoka, was aware
of this, he sent a minister to the splendid Asokarama, laying

237 on him this command: ' Go, settle this matter and let the
uposatha-festival be carried out by the community of bhikkhus

238 in my arama.' This fool went thither, and when he had
called the community of bhikkhus together he announced the
king's command : ' Carry out the uposatha-festival/

239 'We hold not the uposatha-festival with heretics,'' the
community of bhikkhus replied to that misguided minister.

240 The minister struck off the head of several theras, one by one,
with his sword, saying, ' I will force you to hold the uposatha-

241 festival/ When the king's brother, Tissa, saw that crime he
came speedily and sat on the seat nearest to the minister.

242 When the minister saw the thera he went to the king and told
him (the whole matter).

243 When the monarch heard it he was troubled and went with
all speed and asked the community of bhikkhus, greatly
disturbed in mind : ' Who, in truth, is guilty of this deed that
has been done ? '

V. 256 The Third Council 47

And certain of them answered in their ignorance : ' The guilt 244
is thine/ and others said : * Both of you are guilty ' ; but those
who were wise answered : ' Thou art not guilty/

When the king heard this he said : ' Is there a bhikkhu who 245
is able to set my doubts to rest and to befriend religion?'
' There is the thera Tissa, the son of Moggali, O king/ 24G
answered the brethren to the king. Then was the king filled
with zeal.

He sent four theras, each attended by a thousand bhikkhus 247
and four ministers, each with a thousand followers, that same 248
day, with the charge laid on them by (the king) himself to
bring the thera thither; but though they prayed him he
came not.

When the king heard this he sent again eight theras and 249
eight ministers each with a thousand followers, but even as
before he came not.

The king asked : ' Nay then, how shall the thera come? ' 250
The bhikkhus told him how the thera could be moved to
come: f O great king, if they shall say to him, "be our helper, 251
venerable sir, to befriend religion/' then will the thera
come/

Again the king sent (messengers) sixteen theras and sixteen 252
ministers, each with a thousand followers, laying that (same)
charge upon them, and he said to them : c Aged as he is, the 253
thera will not enter any wheeled vehicle ; bring the thera by
ship on the Ganges.'

So they went to him and told him, and hardly had he heard 254
(their message) but he rose up. And they brought the thera
in a ship and the king went to meet him. Going down even 255
knee-deep into the water the king respectfully gave his right
hand to the thera, as he came down from the ship.1 The 256

1 According to Smp. 310, 12 foil, the king had dreamed a dream,
the night before, which the soothsayers interpreted thus, that a
samananaga, a great ascetic, would touch his right hand. As the
thera now laid hold of the king's hand the attendants were about to
kill him. For to touch the king's hand was a crime punishable by
death. However, the king restrained them. But the thera laid hold
of the king's hand as a sign that he accepted him as his pupil.

48 Mahavamsa v. 257

venerable thera took the king's right hand l from compassion
toward him, and came down from the ship.

257 The king led the thera to the pleasure-garden called Rati-
vaddhana, and when he had washed and anointed his feet and

258 had seated himself the monarch spoke thus, to test the thera's

259 faculty : ' Sir, I would fain see a miracle/ And to the ques-
tion which (miracle he desired) he answered : * An earthquake/
And again the other said to him: 'Which wouldst thou see,

260 of the whole (earth shaken) or only of a single region ?' Then
when he had asked : ' Which is the more difficult ?' and heard
(the reply) : ' The shaking of a single region is the more diffi-
cult/ he declared that he desired to see this last.

261 Then within the boundary of a yojana (in extent) did the
thera place a waggon, a horse and a man, and a vessel full of

262 water at the four cardinal points, and over this yojana by
his miraculous power he caused the earth to tremble, together
with the half of (each of) these (things) and let the king
seated there behold this.2

263 Then the monarch asked the thera whether or not he him-
self shared the guilt of the murder of the bhikkhus by the

264 minister. The thera taught the king : ' There is no resulting
guilt 3 without evil intent/ and he recited the Tittira-jataka.4

265 Abiding a week there in the pleasant royal park he in-

266 structed the ruler in the lovely religion of the Sambuddha. In

1 Here there is a play on the words d a k k h i n a ' right ' and d a k k h i-
neyya 'venerable*.

2 The expressions are difficult to render but the sense is clear. On
the boundaries of a space measuring a mile in diameter, there were
placed at N., S., E., and W. a waggon, a horse, a man, and a vessel full
of water. The earthquake was so strictly limited in its action that
these objects were affected by the quaking only as to the half on the
inner side, the other half remained unmoved.

3 In paticcakamma the term kamma is employed in the
technical sense as the sum of all good and evil deeds that bring of
necessity reward or punishment as their result, and if not balanced
lead inevitably to a new existence after death. Paticca means * fol-
lowing on something, conditioned by something '. The formation of the
compound is the same as in paticcasamuppada, paccayakara.

4 FAUSBOLL, Jdtaka III. 64 foil. The Kamboclian Mah. inserts
here a metrical version of the story.

V. 278 Tlie Third Council 49

this same week the monarch sent out two yakkhas and
assembled together all the bhikkhus on the earth. On the 267
seventh day he went to his own splendid arama and arranged an
assembly of the community of bhikkhus in its full numbers.

Then seated with the thera on one side behind a curtain the 268
ruler called to him in turn the bhikkhus of the several con-
fessions and asked them : * Sir, what did the Blessed One 269
teach ? ' And they each expounded their wrong doctrine, the
Sassata-doctrine and so forth.1 And all these adherents of 270
false doctrine did the king cause to be expelled from the order ;
those who were expelled were in all sixty thousand. And now 271
he asked the rightly-believing bhikkhus : ' What does the
Blessed One teach ? ' And they answered : ( He teaches the
Vibhajja-doctrine/ 2

And the monarch asked the thera: ' Sir, does the Sam- 272
buddha (really) teach the Vibhajja-doctrine ? ' The thera
answered : ' Yes/ And when the king knew this he was glad
at heart and said : c Since the community is (henceforth) puri- 273
fied, sir, therefore should the brotherhood hold the uposatha-
festival/ and he made the thera guardian of the order and 274
returned to his fair capital ; the brotherhood held thenceforth
the uposatha-festival in concord.

Out of the great number of the brotherhood of bhikkhus 275
the thera chose a thousand learned bhikkhus, endowed with
the six supernormal powers, knowing the three pitakas and
versed in the special sciences,3 to make a compilation of the 276
true doctrine. Together with them did he, in the Asokarama,
make a compilation of the true dhamma.4 Even as the thera 277
Mahakassapa and the thera Yasa had held a council so did the
thera Tissa. In the midst of this council the thera Tissa set 278

1 The different ditthiyo or heretical doctrines, reckoned as sixty-
two in all, are frequently mentioned in the canonical books, thus in
the Brahmajalasuttanta of the Dighanikaya (D. 1, 13 foil.).

2 CHILDERS (P. D. s. v. vibhajati) renders the sense appropriately
with 'religion of Logic or Reason'. Vibhajjavada is identical
with theravada. KERN, Manual, p. 110.

3 See the notes to 4. 62 and 4. 12.

4 Katum saddhammasamgaham. See note to 3. 17.

50 MaMvamsa v. 279

forth the Kathavatthuppakarana,1 refuting the other doc-

279 trines. Thus was this council under the protection of king
Asoka ended by the thousand bhikkhus in nine months.

280 In the seventeenth year of the king's reign the wise (thera)
who was seventy-two years old, closed the council with a great

281 pavarana-ceremony.2 And, as if to shout applause to the re-
establishment of doctrine, the great earth shook at the close
of the council.

282 Nay, abandoning the high, the glorious Brahma-heaven and
coming down for the sake of the doctrine to the loathsome
world of men, he, who had fulfilled his own duty, fulfilled the
duties toward the doctrine. Who else verily may neglect
duties toward the doctrine?

Here ends the fifth chapter, called ' The Third Council ', in
the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

1 A work of the Abhidhamma. Kathavatthu, ed. by A. C. TAYLOR,
vol. i, ii, P.T.S. 1894, 1897.
8 See note to 12. 2.

CHAPTEE VI

THE COMING OF VIJAYA

IN the country of the Vangas l in the Vanga capital there l
lived once a king of the Vangas. The daughter of the king
of the Kalingas was that king's consort. By his spouse the 2
king had a daughter, the soothsayers prophesied her union
with the king of beasts. Very fair was she and very amorous 3
and for shame the king and queen could not suffer her.

Alone she went forth from the house, desiring the joy of 4
independent life ; unrecognized she joined a caravan travelling
to the Magadha country. In the Lala country a lion attacked 5
the caravan in the forest, the other folk fled this way and that,
but she fled along the way by which the lion had come.

When the lion had taken his prey and was leaving the spot 6
he beheld her from afar, love (for her) laid hold on him, and
he came towards her with waving tail and ears laid back.
Seeing him she bethought her of that prophecy of the sooth- 7
sayers which she had heard, and without fear she caressed him
stroking his limbs.

The lion, roused to fiercest passion by her touch, took her 8
upon his back and bore her with all speed to his cave, and
there he was united with her, and from this union with 9
him the princess in time bore twin-children, a son and a
daughter.

The son's hands and feet were formed like a lion's and there- 1 0
fore she named him Sihabahu, but the daughter (she named)
Slhaslvali. When he was sixteen years old the son questioned 1 1
his mother on the doubt (that had arisen in him) : ' Where-
fore are you and our father so different, dear mother ? ' She 1 2
told him all. Then he asked : ' Why do we not go forth (from
here) ? ' And she answered : ' Thy father has closed the cave
up with a rock/ Then he took that barrier before the great 13

1 I.e.
E 2

52 Mahavamsa VI. 14

cave upon his shoulder and went (a distance of) fifty yojanas
going and coming in one day.

14 Then (once), when the lion had gone forth in search of prey,
(Slhabahu) took his mother on his right shoulder and his

15 young sister on his left, and went away with speed. They
clothed themselves with branches of trees, and so came to a
border- village and there, even at that time, was a son of the

1 6 princess's uncle, a commander in the army of the Vaiiga king,
to whom was given the rule over the border-country ; and he
was just then sitting under a banyan-tree overseeing the work
that was done.

17 When he saw them he asked them (who they were) and
they said: 'We are forest-folk ' ; the commander bade (his

18 people) give them clothing; and this turned into splendid
(garments). He had food offered to them on leaves and by
reason of their merit these were turned into dishes of gold.

1 9 Then, amazed, the commander asked them, ' Who are you ? '

20 The princess told him her family and clan. Then the com-
mander took his uncle's daughter with him and went to the
capital of the Vangas and married her.

21 When the lion, returning in haste to his cave, missed
those three (persons), he was sorrowful, and grieving after his

22 son he neither ate nor drank. Seeking for his children he
went to the border-village, and every village where he came
was deserted by the dwellers therein.

23 And the border-folk came to the king and told him this:
f A lion ravages thy country ; ward off (this danger) O king ! '

24 Since he found none who could ward off (this danger) he
had a thousand (pieces of money) led about the city on
an elephant's back and this proclamation made: 'Let him

25 who brings the lion receive these ! ' And in like manner the
monarch (offered) two thousand and three thousand. Twice

26 did Slhabahu's1 mother restrain him. The third time without
asking his mother's leave, Slhabahu took the three thousand
gold-pieces (as reward) for slaying his own father.

27 They presented the youth to the king, and the king spoke

1 Sihabhuja in the text (metri causa!) which means the same as
Slhabahu 'Lion-arm'.

VI. 43 TJie Coming of Vijaya 53

thus to him : ' If thou shalt take the lion I will give thee
at once the kingdom.' And he went to the opening of the 28
cave, and as soon as he saw from afar the lion who came
forward, for love toward his son, he shot an arrow to
slay him.

The arrow struck the lion's forehead but because of his 29
tenderness (toward his son) it rebounded and fell on the
earth at the youth's feet. And so it fell out three times, then 30
did the king of beasts grow wrathful and the arrow sent at
him struck him and pierced his body.

(Slhabahu) took the head of the lion with the mane and 31
returned to his city. And just seven days had passed then
since the death of the king of the Vangas. Since the king 32
had no son the ministers, who rejoiced over his deed on
hearing that he was the king's grandson and on recognizing 33
his mother, met all together and said of one accord to the
prince Slhabahu ' Be thou (our) king '.

And he accepted the kingship but handed it over then to 34
his mother's husband and he himself went with SlhasTvall to
the land of his birth. There he built a city, and they called 35
it Slhapura, and in the forest stretching a hundred yojanas
around he founded villages. In the kingdom of Lala, in that 36
city did Slhabahu, ruler of men, hold sway when he had made
Slhaslvall his queen. As time passed on his consort bore twin 3 7
sons sixteen times, the eldest was named Vijaya, the second 38
Sumitta ; together there were thirty-two sons. In time the
king consecrated Vijaya as prince-regent.

Vijaya was of evil conduct and his followers were even (like 39
himself), and many intolerable deeds of violence were done by
them. Angered by this the people told the matter to the 40
king; the king, speaking persuasively to them, severely
blamed his son. But all fell out again as before, the second 41
and yet the third time ; and the angered people said to the
king : ' Kill thy son.'

Then did the king cause Vijaya and his followers, seven 42!
hundred men, to be shaven over half the head1 and put them 43

1 The shaving of the hair signifies loss of freedom. In Sinhalese
midi (= Skr. mundita ' shaven ') means ' slave '.

54 Mahavamsa VI. 44

on a ship and sent them forth upon the sea, and their wives

44 and children also. The men, women, and children sent
forth separately landed separately, each (company) upon an

45 island, and they dwelt even there. The island where the
children landed was called Naggadipa l and the island where

46 the women landed Mahiladlpaka.2 But Vijaya landed at the
haven called Supparaka,3 but being there in danger by reason
of the violence of his followers he embarked again.

47 The prince named VIJAYA, the valiant, landed in Lanka, in
the region called Tambapanni on the day that the Tathagata
lay down between the two twinlike sala-trees to pass into
nibbana.

Here ends the sixth chapter, called * The Coming of Vijaya \
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

1 That is, ' Island of children,1 from nagga ' naked '.

2 That is, ' Island of women.'

8 Skt. $urparaka, situated on the west coast of India, now Sopara
in the Thana District, north of Bombay. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, s.v.

CHAPTER VII

THE CONSECRATING OF VIJAYA

WHEN the Guide of the World, having accomplished the 1
salvation of the whole world and having reached the utmost
stage of blissful rest, was lying on the bed of his nibbana,
in the midst of the great assembly of gods, he, the great sage, 2
the greatest of those who have speech, spoke to Sakka x who
stood there near him : ' Vijaya, son of king Sihabahu, is come 3
to Lanka from the country of Lala, together with seven
hundred followers. In Lanka, O lord of gods, will my 4
religion be established, therefore carefully protect him with
his followers and Lanka/

When the lord of gods heard the words of the Tathagata 5
he from respect handed over the guardianship of Lanka to
the god who is in colour like the lotus.2

And no sooner had the god received the charge from 6
Sakka than he came speedily to Lanka and sat down at the
foot of a tree in the guise of a wandering ascetic. And all 7
the followers of Vijaya came to him and asked him : ' What
island is this, sir?' 'The island of Lanka/ he answered.
1 There are no men here, and here no dangers will arise.' 8
And when he had spoken so and sprinkled water on them from
his water- vessel, and had wound a thread about their hands 3 9
he vanished through the air. And there appeared, in the form
of a bitch, a yakkhim who was an attendant (of Kuvanna).4

1 A name of Indra, king of the gods.

2 Devass' uppalavannassa, that is Visnu. The allusion is to
the colour of the BLUE lotus (uppala).

3 As a paritta, that is as a protecting charm against the influence
of demons.

4 The Tika says: Kuvannaya Slsapati-namika paricari-
kayakkhini. The Kambodian Mah. also gives the same name
Sisapatika.

56 Mahavamsa vii. 10

10 One (of Vijaya's men) went after her, although he was
forbidden by the prince (for he thought), f Only where there

1 1 is a village are dogs to be found.' Her mistress, a yakkhim
named Kuvanna, sat there l at the foot of a tree spinning, as
a woman-hermit might.

1 2 When the man saw the pond and the woman-hermit sitting
there, he bathed there and drank and taking young shoots of

1 3 lotuses and water in lotus-leaves he came forth again. And
she said to him : f Stay ! thou art my prey ! ' Then the man

1 4 stood there as if fast bound. But because of the power of
the magic thread she could not devour him, and though he
was entreated by the yakkhim, the man would not yield up

15 the thread. Then the yakkhim seized him, and hurled him
who cried aloud into a chasm. And there in like manner she
hurled (all) the seven hundred one by one after him.

1 6 And when they all did not return fear came on Vijaya ;
armed with the five weapons 2 he set out, and when he beheld

17 the beautiful pond, where he saw no footstep of any man
coming forth, but saw that woman-hermit there, he thought :

1 8 f Surely my men have been seized by this woman/ And he
said to her, ' Lady, hast thou not seen my men ? ' ' What
dost thou want with thy people, prince ?' she answered.
' Drink thou and bathe/

1 9 Then was it clear to him : ' This is surely a yakkhim, she
knows my rank/ and swiftly, uttering his name, he came at

20 her drawing his bow. He caught the yakkhim in the noose
about the neck, and seizing her hair with his left hand he

2 1 lifted his sword in the right and cried : f Slave ! give me
back my men, or I slay thee ! ' Then, tormented with fear

22 the yakkhim prayed him for her life. ' Spare my life, sir,
I will give thee a kingdom and do thee a woman's service and
other service as thou wilt.'

23 And that he might not be betrayed he made the yakkhim
swear an oath, and so soon as the charge was laid on her,
' Bring hither my men with all speed,' she brought them to

1 There, that is where Vijaya's man followed the bitch.

2 Naddhapancayudho. The five weapons are, according to
CLOUGH, sword, bow, battle-axe, spear, and shield.

VII. 35 The Consecrating of Vijaya 57

that place. When he said, 'These men are hungry,' she 24
showed them rice and other (foods) and goods of every kind
that had been in the ships of those traders whom she had
devoured.

(Vijaya's) men prepared the rice and the condiments, and 25
when they had first set them before the prince they all ate
of them.

1 When the yakkhim had taken the first portions (of the 26
meal) that Vijaya handed to her, she was well pleased, and
assuming the lovely form of a sixteen-year-old maiden she 27
approached the prince adorned with all the ornaments. At
the foot of a tree she made a splendid bed, well-covered 28
around with a tent, and adorned with a canopy. And seeing
this, the king's son, looking forward to the time to come,
took her to him as his spouse and lay (with her) blissfully on 29
that bed ; and all his men encamped around the tent.

As the night went on he heard the sounds of music and 30
singing, and asked the yakkhim, who was lying near him :
1 What means this noise?' And the yakkhim thought: 'I 31
will bestow kingship on my lord and all the yakkhas must be
slain, for (else) the yakkhas will slay me, for it was through
me that men have taken up their dwelling (in Lanka).' 2

And she said to the prince : ' Here there is a yakkha-city 32
called Sirisavatthu ; the daughter of the chief of the yakkhas 3 33
who dwells in the city of Lanka has been brought hither,
and her mother too is come.4 And for the wedding there is 34
high festival, lasting seven days ; therefore there is this
noise, for a great multitude is gathered together. Even to-day 35

1 Instead of verses 26-84 the later (Sinhalese) recension has a some-
what divergent reading, the text of which is printed in my edition,
p. 326 foil. Appendix A. Cf. ibid., Introd., p. xxxiv.

2 To manussavasakarana 'because of (my) bringing about
a settlement of men', the Tika adds the words imasmim dipe 'in
this island '.

3 Lit. ' of the eldest yakkha.'

4 The Tika calls the bride's father Mahakalasena, the bride Pola-
mitta, the mother Gonda. The names Kalasena and Polamitta occur
also in the Kamb. Mah.

58 Mahavamsa vil. 36

do thou destroy the yakkhas, for afterwards it will no longer
be possible.'

He replied : ' How can I slay the yakkhas who are in-

36 visible ? ' ' Wheresoever they may be/ she said, ' I will utter
cries, and where thou shalt hear that sound, strike ! and by
my magic power shall thy weapon fall upon their bodies/

37 Since he listened to her and did even (as she said) he slew
all the yakkhas, and when he had fought victoriously he

38 himself put on the garments of the yakkha-king and bestowed
the other raiment on one and another of his followers.

When he had spent some days at that spot he went to

39 Tambapanni. There Vijaya founded the city of Tambapanni
and dwelt there, together with the yakkhim, surrounded by
his ministers.

40 When those who were commanded by Vijaya landed from
their ship, they sat down wearied, resting their hands upon the

41 ground — and since their hands were reddened by touching the
dust of the red earth l that region and also the island were

42 (named) Tambapanni.2 But the king Sihabahu, since he had
slain the lion (was called) Sihala and, by reason of the ties
between him and them, all those (followers of Vijaya) were
also (called) Sihala.

43 Here and there did Vijaya's ministers found villages.
Anuradhagama was built by a man of that name near the

44 Kadamba river ; 3 the chaplain Upatissa built Upatissagama 4
on the bank of the Gambhira river, to the north of Anu-

45 radhagama. Three other ministers built, each for himself,
Ujjem, Uruvela, and the city of Vijita.5

1 The soil of Ceylon is composed of latent which crumbles into
a red dust.

2 A play on the word tambapani, red hand.

8 Now Malwatte-oya which flows by the ruins of Anuradhapura.

4 This is probably to be sought on one of the right-bank tributaries
of the lower Malwatte-oya. According to Mah. 28. 7 the Gambhira-nadi
flows 1 yojana (i. e. 7-8 miles) north of Anuradhapura.

B According to tradition the remains of the city of Vijita exist as
those ruins which lie not far from the Kalu-waewa (Kalavapi) about
24 miles south of Anuradhapura in the jungle. TENNENT, Ceylon,
ii, p. 602 foil. I think the tradition is right, although PARKER,

vii. 58 The Consecrating of Vijaya 59

When they had founded settlements in the land the ministers 46
all came together and spoke thus to the prince : ( Sire, consent
to be consecrated as king/ But, in spite of their demand, 47
the prince refused the consecration, unless a maiden of a noble
house were consecrated as queen (at the same time).

But the ministers, whose minds were eagerly bent upon the 48
consecrating of their lord, and who, although the means
were difficult, had overcome all anxious fears about the matter, 49
sent people, entrusted with many precious gifts, jewels, pearls,
and so forth, to the city of Madhura l in southern (India), to 50
woo the daughter of the Pandu king for their lord, devoted
(as they were) to their ruler ; and they also (sent to woo)
the daughters of others for the ministers and retainers.

When the messengers were quickly come by ship to the 51
city of Madhura they laid the gifts and letter before the king.
The king took counsel with his ministers, and since he was 52
minded to send his daughter (to Lanka) he, having first
received also daughters of others for the ministers (of Vijaya), 53
nigh upon a hundred maidens, proclaimed with beat of drum :
' Those men here who are willing to let a daughter depart for
Lanka shall provide their daughters with a double store of 54
clothing and place them at the doors of their houses. By this
sign shall we (know that we may) take them to ourselves/

When he had thus obtained many maidens and had given 55
compensation to their families, he sent his daughter, bedecked
with all her ornaments, and all that was needful for the
journey,2 and all the maidens whom he had fitted out, accord- 56
ing to their rank, elephants withal and horses and waggons,
worthy of a king, and craftsmen and a thousand families of 57
the eighteen guilds, entrusted with a letter to the con-
queror Vijaya. All this multitude of men disembarked at 58

Ancient Ceylon, p. 237 foil., identifies Vijitapura with a suburb of
Polannaruwa mentioned in the twelfth century A. D. As to the site
of Uruvela see 28. 36 and note.

1 Now Madura, in the south of the Madras Presidency.

2 The Tika explains saparicchadam by paribhogabhandikam
samakutappasadhanikam va. Cf. Skt. paricchada.

60 Mahavamsa VII. 59

Mahatittha ; for that very reason is that landing-place known
as Mahatittha.1

59 Vijaya had one son and one daughter by the yakkhim;
when he now heard that the princess had arrived he said to

60 the yakkhim : ' Go thou now, dear one, leaving the two
children behind ; men are ever in fear of superhuman beings/

61 But when she heard this she was seized with fear of
the yakkhas ; then he said (again) to the yakkhim : ' Delay
not ! I will bestow on thee an offering 2 by (spending)

62 a thousand (pieces of money)/ When she had again and
again besought him (in vain) she took her two children and
departed for Lankapura, though fearing that evil should come
of it.

63 She set the children down outside and went, herself, into
that city. When the yakkhas in the city recognized the

64 yakkhim, in their terror they took her for a spy and there
was great stir among them ; but one who was violent killed
the yakkhim with a single blow of his fist.

65 But her uncle, on the mother's side, a yakkha, went forth
from the city and when he saw the children he asked them :

66 ( Whose children are you?' and hearing that they were
Kuvanna/s he said : ' Here has your mother been slain, and
they will slay you also if they see you: (therefore) flee
swiftly ! '

67 Fleeing with speed they went from thence to the Sumana-
kuta.3 The brother, the elder of the two, when he grew up

68 took his sister, the younger, for his wife, and multiplying
with sons and daughters, they dwelt, with the king's leave,
there in Malaya.4 From these are sprung the Pulinda.5

1 I. c. ' the great landing-place ' ; now Mantota opposite the island
Manaar.

2 Since Kuvanna is a yakkhim, she must receive like the devatas
a bali or religious offering, oblation.

3 I. e. Adam's Peak.

* The central mountain-region in the interior of Ceylon.

6 Pulinda, a designation of barbarous tribes, is here evidently
a name of the Wseddas. The tract of countiy inland between Colombo,
Kalutara, Galle and the mountains is now called Sabaragamuwa from
Skt. s*abara; p. savara, a synonym of pulinda.

vii. 74 The Consecrating of Vijaya 61

The envoys of the Pandu king delivered up to the prince 69
Vijaya the gifts and the (maidens) with the king's daughter at
their head. When Vijaya had offered hospitality and bestowed 70
honours on the envoys he bestowed the maidens, according to
their rank, upon his ministers and retainers. According to 71
custom the ministers in full assembly consecrated Vijaya king
and appointed a great festival.

Then king Vijaya consecrated the daughter of the Pandu 72
king with solemn ceremony as his queen; he bestowed wealth 73
on his ministers, and every year he sent to his wife's father a
shell-pearl worth twice a hundred thousand (pieces of money).

When he had forsaken his former evil way of life, Vijaya, 74
the lord of men, ruling over all Lanka in peace and right-
eousness reigned, as is known, in the city of Tambapanni,
thirty-eight years.

Here ends the seventh chapter, called ' The Consecrating of
Vijaya', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

CHAPTEE VIII

THE CONSECRATING OF PANDUVASUDEVA

1 THE great king Vijaya, being in the last year (of his life),
bethought him : ' I am old and there lives no son of mine.

2 The kingdom peopled with (such great) difficulty may come
to naught after my death ; therefore would I fain have my
brother Sumitta brought here (that I may give) the govern-

3 ment (into his hands).' When he had taken counsel with his
ministers he sent a letter to him, and within a short time
after Vijaya had sent the letter he passed away to the
celestial world.

4 When he was dead the ministers ruled, dwelling in Upatissa-

5 gama while they awaited the coming of the prince. After
the death of king Vijaya and before the coming of the prince
was oar island of Lanka kingless for a year.

6 In Slhapura, after the death of king Slhabahu, his son

7 Sumitta was king ; he had three sons by the daughter of the
Madda1 king. The messengers coming to Slhapura handed

8 the letter to the king. When he had heard the letter the king
spoke thus to his three sons : ' I am old, dear ones ; one

9 of you must depart for the greatly favoured and beauteous
Lanka belonging to my brother, and there, after his death,
assume (the sovereignty of) that fair kingdom.'

10 The king's youngest son, the prince Panduvasudeva,
thought : ' I will go thither/ And when he had assured himself

1 1 of the success of his journey 2 and empowered by his father, he
took with him thirty-two sons of ministers and embarked

1 2 (with them) in the disguise of mendicant monks. They landed

1 Madda = Skt. Madra, now Madras.

2 Natva sotthim gatimhi ca (by asking the soothsayers). Tika:
nemittikavacaneneva janitva 'knowing from the word of the
soothsayers '.

viii. 22 The Consecrating of Panduvasudeva 63

at the mouth of the Mahakandara l river ; when the people saw
these mendicant monks they received them with due respect.

When they had inquired about the capital, they arrived 13
gradually approaching (the city), at Upatissagama, protected
by the devatas. Now a minister there, charged by the 14
(other) ministers, had questioned a soothsayer concerning the
coming of the prince, and he had furthermore 2 foretold him :
'Just on the seventh day will the prince come and one who 15
shall spring of his house shall establish (here) the religion of the
Buddha/ Now when the ministers saw the mendicant monks 16
arrive there, just on the seventh day, and inquiring into the
matter recognized them, they entrusted Panduvasudeva with 1 7
the sovereignty of Lanka ; but since he lacked a consort he
did not yet receive the solemn consecration.

A son of the Sakka Amitodana was the Sakka Pandu. 18
Since he heard that the Sakyas would (shortly) be destroyed 3
he took his followers with him and went to another tract of 1 9
land on the further side of the Ganges and founded a city
there and ruled there as king. He had seven sons.

His youngest daughter was called Bhaddakaccana. She 20
was (even as) a woman made of gold,4 fair of form and eagerly
wooed. For (love of) her did seven kings send precious gifts 2 1
to the king (Pandu), but for fear of the kings, and since he
was told (by soothsayers) that an auspicious journey would 22

1 Not identified. Probably one of the rivers falling into the sea
north of Manaar.

2 That is, besides the fact of Panduvasudeva's coming he had fore-
told the details that follow.

3 The Sakyas were annihilated in war by the Kosala king Vidu-
dabha, shortly before the death of the Buddha ; see RHYS DAVIDS,
Buddhist India, p. 11. This catastrophe is foretold to Pandu by
soothsayers. Tika: Vidudhabhayuddhato puretaram eva
nemittikavacaneneva Sakyanam bhavitabbam vinasam
janitva ti attho 'Since he knew, even before the war with
Vidudabha, by the word of the soothsayers the future destruction of
the Sakyas '.

4 The golden colour of the skin always, in Sinhalese poems, counts
for a mark of particular beauty. Kusajat. 172: ran-ruwak kara-
gena. As a designation of beautiful women ran-liya 'golden
creeper' is employed at Sselalihinisandesa 55 ; Kusajat. 557.

64 Maliavamsa VIII. 23

come to pass, nay, one with the result of royal consecration,
he placed his daughter speedily upon a ship, together with

23 thirty-two women-friends, and launched the ship upon the
Ganges, saying: ' Whosoever can, let him take my daughter/
And they could not overtake her, but the ship fared swiftly
thence.

24 Already on the second day they reached the haven called

25 Gonagamaka J and there they landed robed like nuns. When
they had inquired about the capital, they arrived gradually
approaching (the city), at Upatissagama, protected by the
devatas.2

26 One of the ministers who had heard the saying of a
soothsayer, saw the women come, and inquiring into the

27 matter recognized them and brought them to the king. So
his ministers, full of pious understanding, consecrated as their
king PANDUVASUDEVA, whose every wish was fulfilled.

28 When he had consecrated Subhaddakaccana, of noble stature,
as his own queen, and had given those (maidens) who had
arrived with her to the followers who had come with him, the
monarch lived happily.

Here ends the eighth chapter, called ' The Consecrating of
Panduvasudeva', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

1 At the mouth of the Mahakandara-nadi. Cf. 8. 12.

2 The wording is exactly like v. 13, in order to lay stress on the
parallel in the proceedings. In the same way v. 26 is based on
vv. 14 and 16.

CHAPTER IX

THE CONSECRATING OF ABHAYA

THE queen bore ten sons and one daughter : the eldest of I
all was named Abhaya, the youngest (child, the) daughter was
named Citta. When the brahmans skilled in sacred texts saw 2
her they foretold : ' For the sake of sovereignty will her son
slay his uncles/ When the brothers resolved : ( let us kill our 3
young sister/ Abhaya restrained them.

In due time they lodged her in a chamber having but
one pillar, and the entry thereto they made through the 4
king's sleeping-chamber ; and within they placed a serving-
woman, and a hundred soldiers without. But since she 5
(Citta) drove men mad by the mere sight of her beauty, the
name given to her was lengthened by an epithet f Umma-
dacitta \l

When they heard of the coming of the princess Bhadda- 6
kaccana to Lanka her brothers also,2 except one, urged by
their mother, departed thither.

When on arriving they had visited the ruler of Lanka, 7
Panduvasudeva and their youngest sister too and had lamented
with her,3 they, hospitably received by the king and having 8
the king's leave, went about the island of Lanka and took up
their abode wheresoever it pleased them.4

The place where Rama settled is called Ramagona, the 9
settlements of Uruvela and Anuradha (are called) by their
names, and the settlements of Vijita, Dighayu, and Rohana 10
are named Vrjitagama, Dighayu, and Rohana.5 Anuradha 11

1 The allusion is to ummadeti ' makes mad '.

2 Putt a, literally : ' the sons,' that is, of the Sakya Pandu.
5 Probably over the fate of Ummadacitta.

* Carimsu belongs to carikam and nivasam both.

5 Of. 7. 43 foil, where the names Anuradha, Uruvela, and Vijita also
appear. Evidently we have to do with a different tradition as to the
foundation of the same cities.

66 Mahavamsa IX. 12

built a tank and when he had built a palace to the south of

1 2 this, he took up his abode there. Afterwards the great king
Panduvasudeva consecrated his eldest son Abhaya as vice-
regent.

1 3 When the son of prince Dlghayu, Dighagamani, heard of

1 4 Ummadacitta he went, driven by longing for her. to Upatissa-
gama, and there sought out the ruler of the land. And this

I (latter) appointed him together with the vice-regent, to
service at the royal court.

15 Now (once) Citta saw Gamani in the place where he stood
opposite her window, and, her heart on fire with love, she

1 6 asked her serving-woman : ' Who is that ?' When she heard :
' He is the son of thy uncle/ she trusted the matter to her

1 7 attendant and he, being in league with her, fastened a hook-
ladder to the window in the night,1 climbed up, broke the
window and so came in.

18 So he had intercourse with her and did not go forth till
break of day. And he returned there constantly, nor was he
discovered, for there was no entry (to the chamber).

1 9 And she became with child by him, and when the fruit of
her womb was ripe the serving-woman told her mother, and

20 the mother, having questioned her daughter, told the king.
The king took counsel with his sons and said : ' He too 2 must
be received among us; let us give her (in marriage) to him/

2 1 And saying : ( If it is a son we will slay him ' ; they gave
her to him.

But she, when the time of her delivery was come near,

22 went to the lying-in-chamber. And thinking: ' These were
accomplices in the matter/ the princes, from fear, did to death

23 the herdsman Citta and the slave Kalavela, attendants on
Gamani, since they would make no promise.3 They were

1 Gavakkhamhi dasapetva rattim kakkatayantakam, lit.
' making a crab-machine to bite on to the window '. For explanation
of this passage see Mah. ed., Iiitrod., p. xxvi.

2 So pi, namely, Dighagamani.

8Patinnamadente, that is, they would not fall in with the
design of the brothers to kill the boy who might perhaps come i
the world. Cf. Mah. ed., Introd., p. xvi.

ix. 29 The Consecrating of Abhaya 67

reborn as yakkhas and both kept guard over the child in the
mother's womb. And Citta made her attendant find another 24
woman who was near her delivery. And Citta bore a son but
this woman bore a daughter. Citta caused a thousand (pieces 25
of money) to be handed over to (the other) together with her
own son, and the latter's daughter to be then brought to her
and laid beside her. When the king's sons heard fa daughter 26
is born ', they were well pleased ; but the two, mother and
grandmother, joining the names of the grandfather and the 27
eldest uncle gave the boy the name Pandukabhaya.

The ruler of Lanka, Panduvasudeva, reigned thirty years. 28
When Pandukabhaya was born, he died.

When the ruler was dead, the king's sons all assembled 29
together and held the great festival of consecration of their
brother, the safety-giving ABHAYA.1

Here ends the ninth chapter, called ' The Consecrating of
Abhaya ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

1 A play on the word abhaya 'the fearless', and abhayada
' bestowing fearlessness, freedom from danger, or security '.

F 2

CHAPTER X

THE CONSECRATING OF PANDUKABHAYA

1 (As) commanded by Ummadacitta the serving-woman took
the boy, laid him in a basket and went with him to Dvara-
mandalaka.1

2 When the princes, who had gone a-hunting in the Tumbara
forest saw the serving- woman they asked her : ' Where art

3 thou going ? What is that ? ' She answered : ' I am going
to Dvaramandaiaka ; that is a sweet cake for my daughter.'

4 The princes said to her : ' Take it out.' Then Citta and
Kalavela who had come forth to protect (the boy) caused a

5 great boar to appear at that moment. The princes pursued
him ; but she took (the boy) and went thither and gave the
boy and a thousand (pieces of money) secretly to a certain

6 man who was entrusted (with the matter). On that very day
his wife bore a son, and he, declaring : ' My wife has borne
twin sons/ reared that boy (with his own).

7 The (boy) was already seven years old when his uncles found
out (where he was) arid charged followers of theirs to kill (with

8 him) the boys playing in a certain pond. Now the boy was
used to hide, by diving, in a certain hollow tree standing in
the water and having the mouth of the hollow hidden under

9 water, entering by the hollow, and when he had stayed long
within he would come forth in the same way, and being again
among the other boys, however much they questioned him, he
would mislead them with evasive words.

10 On the day the (princes') people came2 the boy with
his clothes on dived into the water and stayed hidden in

1 1 the hollow tree. When those men had counted the clothes and

1 According to Mah. 23. 23 the village is situated near the Cetiya-
mountain (Mihintale), east of Anuradhapura.
8 See Mah. ed., Introd., p. liii.

x. 25 The Consecrating of Pandukalhaya 69

killed the other boys they went away and declared : ' The boys
have all been killed ! ' When they were gone that (boy) went 12
to his foster-father's l house, and comforted by him he lived
on there to the age of twelve years.

When his uncles again heard that the boy was alive they 1 3
charged (their followers) to kill all the herdsmen. Just on 14
that day the herdsmen had taken a deer and sent the boy into
the village to bring fire. He went home, but sent his foster- 1 5
father's son out saying : ' I am footsore, take thou fire for the
herdsmen ; then thou too wilt have some of the roast to eat/ 1 6
Hearing those words he took fire to the herdsmen: and at 17
that moment those (men) despatched to do it surrounded the
herdsmen and killed them all, and when they had killed them
they (went and) told (the boy's) uncles.

Then, when he was sixteen years old, his uncles discovered 18
him ; his mother sent him a thousand (pieces of money) and
a command to bring him to (a place of) safety.2 His foster- 19
father told him all his mother's message, and giving him a
slave and the thousand (pieces of money) he sent him to Pan-
dula. The brahman named Pandula, a rich man and learned 20
in the vedas, dwelt in the southern district in (the village)
Pandulagamaka. The prince went thither and sought out the 2 1
brahman Pandula. When this latter had asked him : ( Art
thou Pandukabhaya, my dear?' and was answered ' Yes', he 22
paid him honour (as a guest) and said : { Thou wilt be king,
and full seventy years wilt thou rule ; learn the art,3 my dear ! ' 23
and he instructed him, and by his son Canda 4 also that art
was mastered in a short time.

He gave him a hundred thousand (pieces of money) to enrol 24
soldiers and when five hundred men had been enrolled by him
(he said) : ' The (woman) at whose touch leaves turn to gold 25

1 Ayuttaorayuttaka* the man entrusted (with the bringing-up) '.

2 Tassa rakkham cadis i, lit. 'and disposed (or commanded) his
protection '.

3 Sippam ugganha, in this case 'the art' is the knowledge
needed by a reigning prince.

4 Candena cassa puttena belongs, according to the Tika, to
sippam samapitam.

70 Mahavamsa x. 26

26 make thou thy queen, and my son Canda thy chaplain/ When
he had thus said and given him money he sent him forth from
thence with his soldiers. Proclaiming his name he, the

27 virtuous prince, fared forth and when in the city of Pana near
the Rasa-mountain l he had gathered together seven hundred

28 followers and provision for all, he went thence, followed by
one thousand two hundred men to the mountain called Giri-
kanda.

29 An uncle of Pandukabhaya, named Girikandasiva, drew his
revenues from this district that Panduvasudeva had handed

30 over to him. This prince was even then on the point of reap-
ing (a field) measuring a hundred karlsas ; his daughter was

31 the beautiful princess named Pall. And she, with a great
retinue, had mounted her splendid waggon, and came bring-

32 ing food for her father and for the reapers. The prince's
men, who saw the princess there, told the prince (about

33 her) ; the prince coming thither in haste and dividing her
followers into two bands, drove his own waggon, followed
by his men, near her and asked : ' Where art thou going ? '

34 And when she had told him all the prince, whose heart was
fired with love, asked for a share of the food.

35 She stepped down from the waggon and, at the foot of a
banyan-tree, she offered the prince food in a golden bowl.

36 Then she took banyan-leaves to entertain the rest of the people
(with food) and in an instant the leaves were changed into

37 golden vessels. When the prince saw this and remembered the
brahman's words he was glad (thinking) : * I have found the

38 maiden who is worthy to be made queen/ So she entertained
them all, but yet the food became not less ; it seemed that but

39 one man's portion had been taken away. Thus from that
time onward that youthful princess who was so rich in virtues
and merit was called by the name Suvannapall.

40 And the prince took the maiden and mounted his waggon
and fared onward, fearless and surrounded by a mighty army.

1 Probably near the modern Kahagalagama 'village of the
Kaha mountain ', about 18 miles SE. from Anuradhapura, and
10 miles WNW. from the mountain Ritigala. See also 25. 50, and
the Appendix C on Pandukabhaya's campaigns.

x. 53 The Consecrating of Pandukalhaya 71

When her father heard this he despatched all his soldiers, and 41
they came and gave battle and returned, defeated by the 42
others ; at that place (afterwards) a village was built called
Kalahanagara.1 When her five brothers heard this they (also)
departed to make war. And all those did Canda the son of 43
Pandula slay ; Lohitavahakhanda 2 was their battle-field.

With a great host Pandukabhaya marched from thence to 44
the further shore of the Gahga 3 toward the Dola-mountain.
Here he sojourned four years. WThen his uncles heard that he 45
was there they marched thither, leaving the king behind, to
do battle with him. When they had made a fortified camp 46
near the Dhumarakkha-mountain they fought a battle with
their nephew. But the nephew pursued the uncles to this side 47
of the river, and having defeated them in flight he held their
fortified camp for two years.

And they went to Upatissagama and told all this to the 48
king. And the king sent the prince a letter together with a
thousand (pieces of money) saying : ' Keep thou possession of 49
the land on the further shore, but come not over to this shore/
When the nine brothers heard of this they were wroth with
the king and said : ' Long hast thou been, in truth, a helper 50
to him I Now dost thou give him the kingdom. For that we
will put thee to death/ He yielded up the government to 51
them, and with one accord they appointed their brother named
Tissa to be regent.

This safety-giving Abhaya4 had reigned as king in Upatis- 52
sagama twenty years.

Now a yakkhinl named Cetiya, who dwelt on the Dhuma- 53

1 I. e. Battle-town. A Kalahagala lies to the south of Mineri-Tank
(Manihira), not far from the left bank of the Ambanganga, Which
Hows into the Mahawseliganga lower down. Census of Ceylon, 1901,
iv, pp. 468-469.

2 Lit. perhaps ' Field of the stream of blood '.

3 I. e. Mahagangl, now Mahawaeliganga. Paraganga means, from
the standpoint of the narrator (at Anuradhapura), the right,
oraganga 'this side ', the left bank of the Mahawseliganga. As to
the Dolapabbata (now Dolagal-wela), see Appendix C.

4 See note to 9. 29.

72 MaMvanisa X. 54

rakkha-mountain T near the pond (called) Tumbariyangana,
used to wander about in the form of a mare.

54 And once a certain man saw this beautiful (mare) with her
white body and red feet and told the prince : ' Here is a mare
whose appearance is thus and so — '

55 The prince took a noose and came to capture her. When she
saw him coming up behind her she fled for fear of his majestic

56 aspect. She fled without rendering herself invisible and he
pursued her swiftly as she fled. Seven times in her flight she

57 circled round the pond, and plunging into the Mahaganga and
climbing forth again to the shore she fled seven times around

58 the Dhumarakkha-mountain ; and yet three times more she
circled round the pond and plunged yet again in the Ganga,

59 near the Kacchaka-ford,2 but there he seized her by the mane
and (grasped) a palm-leaf that was floating down the stream ;

60 by the effect of his merit this turned into a great sword. He
thrust at her with the sword, crying : ' I will slay thee.' And
she said to him : ' I will conquer the kingdom and give it to

61 thee, lord ! Slay me not ! ' Then he seized her by the neck
and boring her nostrils with the point of his sword he secured
her thus with a rope; but she followed wheresoever he would.

62 When the mighty (hero) had gone to the Dhumarakkha-
mountain, bestriding the mare, he dwelt there on the Dhuma-

63 rakkha-mountain four years. And having marched thence
with his force and come to the Arittha-mountain 3 he sojourned
there seven years awaiting a fit time to make war.

64 Eight of his uncles, leaving two behind,4 drew near to the

65 Arittha-mountain in battle array, and when they had laid out
a fortified camp near a small city and had placed a commander
at the head they surrounded the Arittha-mountain on every
side.

1 According to v. 62 foil, not far from the Kacchakatittha (see note
to v. 58), on the left bank of the Mahawaeliganga. The Dhuma-
rakkhapabbata is also mentioned, Mah. 37.203 (= 163 of the Colombo
edition ii).

2 Cf. 23. 17 and 25. 12. Now Mahagantota, a ford below the place
where Ambanganga and Mahawseliganga join. See note to 35. 58.

3 Now Ritigala, North-Central Province, north of Habarana.

4 Namely, Abhaya and Girikandasiva.

x. 79 The Consecrating of Pandukabhaya 73

After speech with the yakkhim, the prince, according to 66
her cunning counsel, sent in advance a company of his soldiers
taking with them kingly apparel and weapons as presents and
the message: 'Take all this ; I will make peace with you/ (>7
But as they were lulled to security thinking: ' We will take 68
him prisoner if he comes/ he mounted the yakkha-mare and
went forth to battle at the head of a great host. The 69
yakkhinl neighed full loudly and his army, inside and outside
(the camp) l raised a mighty battle-cry. The prince's men 70
killed all the soldiers of the enemy's army and the eight
uncles with them, and they raised a pyramid of skulls. The 71
commander escaped and fled (for safety) to a thicket ; that
(same thicket) is therefore called Senapatigumbaka. When 72
the prince saw the pyramid of skulls, where the skulls of his
uncles lay uppermost, he said : ( 'Tis like a heap of gourds ' ;
and therefore they named (the place) Labugamaka.2

When he was thus left victor in battle, Pandukabhaya 73
went thence to the dwelling-place of his great-uncle Anuradha.
The great-uncle handed over his palace to him and built 74
himself a dwelling elsewhere; but he dwelt in his house.
When he had inquired of a soothsayer who was versed in the 7o
knowledge of (fitting) sites, he founded the capital, even near
that village. Since it had served as dwelling to two Anuradhas, 76
it was called Anuradhapura, and also because it was founded
under the constellation Anuradha. When he had caused the 77
(state) parasol of his uncles to be brought and purified in
a natural pond that is here,3 PANDUKABHAYA kept it for
himself and with the water of that same pond he solemnized 78
his own consecration ; and Suvannapali, his spouse, he con-
secrated queen. On the young Canda, even as he had agreed, 79

1 I. e. the soldiers he had sent in advance into the enemy's camp and
the army approaching now with him.

2 I. e. 'Village of Gourds/ Even now we find on the map, to the
north-west of the Ritigala, a place called Labunoruwa = p. labuna-
garaka. Cf. Return of Architectural and Archaeological Remains
. . . existing in Ceylon, 1890, p. 76 ; Census of Ceylon, 1901, vol. iv,
p. 464.

3 I dh a, i.e. in Anuradhapura, the residence of the chronicler.

74 Mahdvamsa x. 80

he conferred the office of his chaplain and other appointments
on his other followers according to their merits.

80 Because his mother and he himself had been befriended by
him, he did not slay the king Abhaya, his eldest uncle, but

81 handed over the government to him for the night-time: he
became the 'Nagaraguttika' (Guardian of the City). From that

82 time onward there were nagaraguttikas in the capital. His
father-in-law also, Girikandasiva, he did not slay but handed

83 over to this uncle the district of Girikanda. He had the
pond l deepened and abundantly filled with water, and since
he had taken water therefrom, when victorious (for his
consecration), they called it Jayavapi.2

84 He settled the yakkha Kalavela on the east side of the
city, the yakkha Cittaraja at the lower end of the Abhaya-

85 tank.3 The slave- woman who had helped him in time past
and was re-born of a yakkhim, the thankful (king) settled at

86 the south gate of the City. Within the royal precincts he
housed the yakkhinl in the form of a mare. Year by year he

87 had sacrificial offerings made to them and to other (yakkhas);
but on festival-days he sat with Cittaraja beside him on a
seat of equal height, and having gods and men to dance before

88 him, the king took his pleasure, in joyous and merry wise.

He laid out also four suburbs as well as the Abhaya-tank,

89 the common cemetery, the place of execution, and the chapel
of the Queens of the West, the banyan-tree of Vessavana 4 and

90 the Palmyra-palm of the Demon of Maladies,6 the ground set
apart for the Yonas and the house of the Great Sacrifice ; all
these he laid out near the west gate.6

1 I. e. the pond in Anuradhapura, mentioned in v. 77. Since the
old name has been changed, it is impossible to identify the JayavSpi.

2 I. e. the tank of victory.

8 See v. 88. The Abhaya-vapi which was laid out by the king
Pandukabhaya himself, is the tank now called Basawak-kulam.
PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 360 foil.

4 I. e. of Kubera, god of wealth (Skt. Vaisravana), who perhaps
is here considered as a chthonian god.

8 Or the God of the Huntsmen, according to the reading vyadha-
devassa.

6 On the various buildings and foundations mentioned in 89 and 90,

x. 104 The Consecrating of Pandukabhaya 75

He set five hundred candalas to the work of cleaning1 the 91
(streets of the) town, two hundred candalas to the work of
cleaning the sewers, one hundred and fifty candalas he em- 92
ployed to bear the dead and as many candalas to be watchers
in the cemetery. For these he built a village north-west 93
of the cemetery and they continually carried out their duty
as it was appointed.

Toward the north-east of the candala-village he made the 94
cemetery, called the Lower Cemetery, for the candala folk.
North of this cemetery, between (it and) the Pasana-mountain, 95
the line of huts for the huntsmen were built thenceforth.
Northward from thence, as far as the Gamani-tank,1 a her- 96
mitage was made for many ascetics; eastward of that same 97
cemetery the ruler built a house for the nigantha2 Jotiya.
In that same region dwelt the nigantha named Giri and 98
many ascetics of various heretical sects. And there the lord 99
of the land built also a chapel for the nigantha Kumbhanda ;
it was named after him. Toward the west from thence and 100
eastward of the street of the huntsmen lived five hundred
families of heretical beliefs. On the further side of Jotiya's 101
house and on this side of the Gamani-tank he likewise built
a monastery for wandering mendicant monks, and a dwelling 102
for the ajivakas and a residence for the brahmans, and in
this place and that he built a lying-in shelter and a hall 3 for
those recovering from sickness.

Ten years after his consecration did Pandukabhaya the 103
ruler of Lanka establish the village-boundaries over the
whole of the island of Lanka. With Kalavela and Cittaraja, 104

see Mah. ed., Introd., p. liv. Since the Tika leaves us in the lurch
it will be difficult to add anything further.

1 The Gamanivapi is perhaps the Karambawa-tank which lies
somewhat more than a mile north from the Bulan-kulam. PARKER,
however, identifies it with the Peramiyan-kulam. Ancient Ceylon,
p. 364.

2 Name of a sect of ascetics (the Jaina) who went about naked.

3 According to the Tika we have to take sivikasotthisalam as
sivikasalam ca sotthisalam ca. The former word is explained
by vijayanaghara 'house of delivery', the latter by gilanasala
'hall for the sick'.

76 Mahdvamsa x. 105

who were visible (in bodily form) the prince enjoyed his good

105 fortune, he who had yakkhas and bhutas J for friends. Be-
tween the king Pandukabhaya and Abhaya were seventeen
years without a king.

106 When the ruler of the earth, Pandukabhaya, the intelligent,
being thirty-seven years oLd, had assumed the rule over the
kingdom, he reigned full seventy years in fair and wealthy 2
Anuradhapura.

Here ends the tenth chapter, called ' The Consecrating of
Pandukabhaya' in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

1 That is, ghosts ; but the expression is ambiguous. It could also
mean * he who had those that had become yakkhas (namely Kalavela
and Citta) for friends '.

2 Tika: samiddhe ti, sampattiya purite addhe va 'filled
with prosperity or wealthy '.

CHAPTEE XI

THE CONSECRATING OF DEVANAMPIYATISSA

AFTEE his death his son, known by the name of MUTASIVA, 1
the son of Suvannapali, succeeded him in the government,
which was (then) in a peaceful state. The king laid out the 2
beautiful Mahameghavana-garden, rich in all the good
qualities that its name promises l and provided with fruit-
trees and flowering-trees. At the time that the place was 3
chosen for the garden, a great cloud, gathering at an unwonted
season, poured forth rain ; therefore they called the garden
Mahameghavana.

Sixty years king Mutasiva reigned in splendid Anuradha- 4
pura, the fair face of the land of Lanka. He had ten sons, 5
each thoughtful of the other's welfare, and two daughters
equal 2 (in beauty), worthy of their family. The second son, 6
known by the name Devanampiyatissa, was foremost among
all his brothers in virtue and intelligence.

This DEVANAMPIYATISSA became king after his father's 7
death. Even at the time of his consecration many wonders
came to pass. In the whole isle of Lanka treasures and 8

1 Following the reading of the Burmese MSS. and the Tika nama-
nugagunodito 'eminent in the qualities corresponding to the
name'. Mahameghavana means 'grove of the great cloud'. The
qualities which it possesses are such as accompany abundant rainfall:
streams, trees with thick foliage, shade, coolness and so forth. Cf.
the explanation of the Tika, Mah. ed., note on this passage. The
Mahameghavana was situated south of the city of Anuradhapura,
where now the Mahavihara stands. Between it and the southern
wall of the city was another park, called Nandana or Jotivana.
See 15. 1, 8; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, pp. 272-274.

2 Tika: anukula ti, samanavanna; ayam surupa ayam
virupa ti vacanapacchinditum anaraha samanarupa ;
annamanna-anukularupasampattiya samannagata ti a-
dhippayo. The sense is : they were of equal beauty.

78 Mahavamsa XI. 9

jewels that had been buried deep rose up to the surface of the

9 earth. Jewels which had been in ships wrecked near Lanka and

those which were naturally formed there (in the ocean) issued

10 forth upon the land. At the foot of the Chata-mountain
there grew up three bamboo-stems, in girth even as a waggon-

11 pole.1 One of them, ' the creeper-stem/ shone like silver; on
this might be seen delightful creepers gleaming with a golden

12 colour. But one was the ' flower-stem ', on this again might
be seen flowers of many kinds, of manifold colours, in full

1 3 bloom. And last, one was the ' bird-stem ' whereon might be
seen numbers of birds and beasts of many (kinds) and of

1 4 many colours, as if living. Pearls of the eight kinds, namely
horse-pearl, elephant -pearl, waggon-pearl, my robalan -pearl,
bracelet-pearl, ring-pearl, kakudha fruit-pearl, and common

1 5 (pearls) came forth out of the ocean and lay upon the shore
in heaps.

16 All this was the effect of Devanampiyatissa's merit. Sap-
phire, beryl, ruby, these gems and many jewels and those

17 pearls and those bamboo-stems they brought, all in the same
week, to the king.

When the king saw them he was glad at heart and thought:

1 8 ' My friend Dhammasoka and nobody else is worthy to have
these priceless treasures ; I will send them to him as a gift/

19 For the two monarchs, Devanampiyatissa and Dhammasoka
already had been friends a long time, though they had never
seen each other.

20 The king sent four persons appointed as his envoys : his
nephew Maharittha, who was the chief of his ministers, then

21 his chaplain, a minister and his treasurer,2 attended by a body
of retainers, and he bade them take with them those priceless

22 jewels, the three kinds of precious stones, and the three stems
(like) waggon-poles, and a spiral shell winding to the right, and

1 This must be the meaning of rathapatoda, although patoda
properly means ' goad, whip '.

2 The Tika also tells us the names of Arittha's three companions,
namely Talipabbata (in Kamb. Mah. Hali°), Tela and Tissa. These
names are, we may conjecture, taken from the original source of the
Mah., the old Atthakatha.

XT. 30 The Consecrating of Devanampiyatissa 79

the eight kinds of pearls. When they had embarked at Jambu- 23
kola 1 and in seven days had reached the haven 2 in safety,
and from thence in seven days more had come to Pataliputta, 24
they gave those gifts into the hands of king Dhammasoka.
When he saw them he rejoiced greatly. Thinking: ' Here 25
I have no such precious things/ the monarch, in his joy,
bestowed on Arittha the rank of a commander in his army,
on the brahman the dignity of chaplain, to the minister he 26
gave the rank of staff-bearer, and to the treasurer that of
a guild-lord.3

When he had allotted to the (envoys) abundance of (all) 27
things for their entertainment and dwelling-houses, he took
counsel with his ministers considering (what should be sent
as) a return-gift ; and he took4 a fan,5 a diadem, a sword, 28
a parasol, shoes, a turban, ear-ornaments,6 chains,7 a pitcher,
yellow sandal wood, a set of garments that had no need of 29
cleansing, a costly napkin, unguent brought by the nagas,
red-coloured earth, water from the lake Anotatta and 30
also water from the Ganges, a (spiral) shell winding in

1 A landing-place in northern Ceylon. See chiefly 19. 25.

2 The haven of Tamalitti. See note to 11. 38.

8 Very characteristic, and throwing light on court-life in India,
chiefly in the fifth century A. D. The complimentary bestowing of
titles and dignities was then the custom, just as at the present day.

4 The accusatives in the text are all dependent on v. 33. From
this point the things enumerated are merely either the insignia of
a royal prince or such as are used for the ceremony of consecrating
a king.

6 Valavijani is a fly-whisk (Skt. camara) made of the hair of
a yak's tail.

6 The Tika explains vatamsa (Skt. avatamsa) by kannapi-
landhana. See Vinaya Texts, ii, p. 347, note on C.V. I. 13. 1. In
Thupav., p. 1723 pupphavatamsaka is rendered in Sinhalese
malkada.

7 That pamanga must be a band or chain is clear from the simile
in Thupav. 317~19. The Buddha Dlpamkara winds the girdle round
his red garment as one might wind a golden pamanga about a bunch
of flowers. The same simile occurs Mahabodhiv., ed. STRONG, p. 6210 ;
cf. also C.V. 5. 2. 1 ; Sum. Vil. I. 8012 on D. 1. 1. 10. (To be read thus,
Mah. ed., p. 355, line 29.)

80 Mahavamsa XI. 31

3 1 auspicious wise,1 a maiden in the flower of her youth, utensils
as golden platters, a costly litter, yellow and emblic myro-

32 balans and precious ambrosial healing1 herbs, sixty times one
hundred waggon loads of mountain-rice brought thither by
parrots, nay, all that was needful for consecrating a king,

33 marvellous in splendour; and sending these (things) in due
time as a gift to his friend the lord of men sent envoys also

34 with the gift of the true doctrine, saying : ' I have taken
refuge in the Buddha, his Doctrine and his Order, I have
declared myself a lay-disciple in the religion of the Sakya son; 2

35 seek then even thou, O best of men converting thy mind with

36 believing heart refuge in these best of gems ! ' and saying
moreover : ( Consecrate my friend yet again as king,' he
dismissed his friend's ministers, with many marks of honour.

37 When the ministers had stayed five months, highly honoured
they set forth with the envoys, on the first day of the bright

38 half of the month Vesakha.3 Having embarked at Tamalitti4
and landed at Jambukola they sought out the king, when

39 they arrived here on the twelfth day. The envoys handed the
gifts to the ruler of Lanka ; the ruler of Lanka made them
welcome with great hospitality.

40 But the envoys most faithful to their king consecrated the
ruler of Lanka, whose (first) consecration had been held in the
month Maggasira5 on the day when the moon first shows

4 1 itself, fulfilling the charge of Dhammasoka, yet again as king,
they rejoicing in the salvation of their king (consecrated) him
who rejoiced in the good fortune of Lanka.

1 Winding towards the right, dakkhinavatto ; cf. v. 22.

2 I.e. of Buddha, sprung from the tribe of the Sakyas. See
2. 15 foil.

3 See note to 1. 12.

4 Skt. Tamralipti, a harbour in the region at the mouth of the
Ganges, now Tamluk. At Tamralipti the Chinese pilgrim Fa-hien
embarked for Ceylon in the beginning of the fifth century A. D. See
LEGGE, Record of Buddhistic Kingdoms, p. 100.

8 According to the Dip. 11. 14 and 38, the first coronation of D.
was held in the second winter month under the Nakkhatta Asalha,
iind the second coronation on the twelfth day of the bright half of
the Vesakha month. Cf. Introduction, para. 7.

xi. 42 TJie Consecrating of Devanampiyatissa 81

Thus on the full-moon day of the month Vesakha the ruler 4 2
of men, in whose name was contained the words ' friend of
the gods',1 bestowing1 good upon his people, held his con-
secration (as king) in Lanka, where in every place they held
high festival.

Here ends the eleventh chapter, called f The Consecrating of
Devanampiyatissa' in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 Devanampiyatissa means 'Tissa, friend of the gods'.

CHAPTER XII

THE CONVERTING OF DIFFERENT COUNTRIES

1 WHEN the thera Moggaliputta, the illuminator of the re-
ligion of the Conqueror, had brought the (third) council to an

2 end and when, looking into the future, he had beheld the
founding of the religion in adjacent countries, (then) in the

3 month Kattika l he sent forth theras, one here and one there.
The thera Majjhantika he sent to Kasmira and Gandhara, the

4 thera Mahadeva he sent to Mahisamandala. To Vanavasa he
sent the thera named Rakkhita, and to A.parantaka the Yona

5 named Dharnmarakkhita ; to Maharattha (he sent) the thera
named Mahadhammarakkhita, but the thera Maharakkhita he

6 sent into the country of the Yona. He sent the thera Maj jhima
to the Himalaya country, and to Suvannabhumi he sent the

7 two theras Sona and Uttara. The great thera Mahinda,
the theras Itthiya, Uttiya, Sambala and Bhaddasala his dis-

8 ciples, these five theras he sent forth with the charge : f Ye
shall found in the lovely island of Lanka the lovely religion
of the Conqueror/

9 At that time in Kasmira and Gandhara 2 did the naga-king
of wondrous power, Aravala, cause the rain called ' Hail ' to

1 0 pour down upon the ripe crops, and cruelly did he overwhelm
everything with a flood. The thera Majjhantika went thither

1 1 with all speed, passing through the air, and wrought (miracles
such as) walking on the surface of the water in Aravala's lake
and so forth. When the nagas beheld it they told their king
with fury about this thing.

12 Then full of fury the naga-king brought divers terrors to

1 See note to 1. 12. As to the time of the third council, cf. the
Introduction.

8 Gandhara comprises the districts of Peshawar and Rawal Pingli
in the northern Punjab. Kasmira is the modern Kashmir.

xii. 25 Tlie Converting of Different Countries 83

pass; fierce winds blew, a cloud gave forth thunder and rain,
thunder strokes crashed, and lightning- flashed here and there, 1 3
trees and mountain-tops were hurled down. Nagas in grisly 14
forms terrified (beholders) on every side, he himself spat forth
smoke and fire threatening in different ways.

When the thera by his wondrous power had brought all 15
these terrors to naught, he said to the naga-king, showing his
eminent might: 'Even if the world together with the gods 16
came seeking to terrify me, they would not be equal to me (in
strength) whatever fears and dread (they may arouse) in this
place.1 Nay, if thou shouldst raise the whole earth with the 17
ocean and the mountains, thou mighty naga, and shouldst
hurl them upon me, thou couldst in no wise arouse fear and 18
dread in me. It were surely but thy own destruction, thou
lord of serpents.'

Then to him, humbled by these words the thera preached 19
the doctrine, and thereupon the naga-king came unto the
(three) refuges and the precepts of duty,2 and this likewise 20
did eighty-four thousand serpents and many gandhabbas,
yakkhas and kumbhandakas 3 in the Himalaya. But a yak- 2 1
kha named Pandaka with (his wife) the yakkhim Harita and his
five hundred sons obtained the first fruit (of sanctification).4

'Henceforth let no anger arise as of old; work no more 22
harm to the harvest, for living beings love their happiness ;
cherish love for beings, let men live in happiness.' Thus 23
were they taught by him and they did according to (this
teaching). Then the lord of serpents made the thera sit upon 24
a jewel-throne and he stood near, fanning him. But the 25
dwellers in Kasmira and Gandhara who had come to worship

1 The right reading appears to be yam ettha bhayabheravam.
The construction of the sentence is, however, very difficult. For the
explanation of the Tlka see Mah. ed., note on the passage.

2 See note to 1. 32 and 62.

3 Skt. kumbhanda, name of a class of supernatural beings under
the rule of Virulhaka. The gandhabbas (= Skr. gandharva) are
a class of demigods who are the attendants of Dhatarattha. Viru-
lhaka, and Dhatarattha are two of the four great kings of the world
(lokapala), the regents of the south and north.

4 I. e. the sotapattiphala. Cf. note to 1. 33.

G 2

84 Mahavamsa XII. 26

the naga-king acknowledged the thera as the mightier in
26 working wonders,1 and when they had paid the thera reverence

they seated themselves on one side near him. The thera

expounded to them the dhamma, (namely) the Asivisupama.2
2 7 The conversion of eighty thousand persons took place 3 and

a hundred thousand persons received the pabbajja from the

28 thera. Since then Kasmira and Gandhara shine with yellow
robes and prize above all the three things.4

29 The thera Mahadeva who had gone to the Mahisamandala 5
country preached in the midst of the people the Devaduta-

30 suttanta.6 Forty thousand (persons) made pure (in themselves)
the eye of the truth and yet forty thousand received from
him the pabbajja-ordination.

3 1 The thera Rakkhita, who had gone to Vanavasa,7 preached,
floating in the air in the midst of the people, the Anamatagga-

32 samyutta.8 The conversion of sixty thousand persons took
place, thirty-seven thousand in number received the pabbajja

33 from him. Five hundred viharas were founded in the

1 Cf. Mah. ed., note on this passage, also 14. 20 with note. The
positive mahiddhika stands for the comparative.

2 The asivisa-sutta of S. IV, pp. 172-175, or the aslvisopama
'simile of the serpent' of A. II, pp. 110-111.

3 See note to 1. 32.

4 Namely buddha, dhamma, samgha, the Buddha, his doctrine
and his order. See note to 1. 62.

5 Mahisamandala is generally taken as the modern Mysore. But
FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 429 foil., has shown that this identification
is hardly correct. He himself takes Mahisamandala as ' territory of
the Mahisha ' of which the capital was Mahishmati. Agreeing with
PAROITER he places this capital on the island of the Narbada river,
now called Mandhata. See Imperial Gazetteer of India, s. v. Mahisa-
mandala is, therefore, a district south of the Vindhyan mountains.

6 I. e. ' Discourse on the Messengers of God.' See M. Ill, pp. 178-187 ;
A. I, pp. 138-142. The suttanta deals with old age, disease, and death
as messengers of Yama the god of death.

7 The Vanavasaka or Vanavasin are mentioned in the Maha-
bharata, 6. 366, and Harivamsa, 5232, as a people dwelling in
southern India. See B.R., Skt. Wtb. s.vv. There is also a modern
town Banavasi in North Kanara which seems to have preserved the
old name. Imp. Gaz. of India, s.v.

• S. II, pp. 178-193.

xii. 41 The Converting of Different Countries 85

country. Thus did the thera establish there the religion of
the Conqueror.

The thera Dhammarakkhita the Yona, being gone to 34
Aparantaka l and having preached in the midst of the people
the Aggikkhandhopama-sutta,2 gave to drink of the nectar of 35
truth to thirty-seven thousand living beings who had come
together there, he who perfectly understood truth and untruth. 36
A thousand men and yet more women went forth from noble
families and received the pabbajja.

The wise Mahadhammarakkhita, who had gone to Maha- 37
rattha/ related there the jataka called Mahanaradakassapa.4
Eighty-four thousand persons attained to the reward of the 38
path (of salvation), thirteen thousand received from him the
pabbajja.

The wise Maharakkhita who went to the country of the 39
Yona 5 delivered in the midst of the people the Kalakarama-
suttanta.6 A hundred and seventy thousand living beings 40
attained to the reward of the path (of salvation) ; ten thousand
received the pabbajja.

The wise Majjhima7 preached in the Himalaya region whither 4 1

1 Skr. Aparanta'the western ends', comprising the territory of
northern Gujarat, Kathiawar, Kachchh, and Sind. FLEET, J.R.A.S.
1910, p. 427.

2 I. e. ' The discourse on the parable of the flames of fire.' A. IV,
pp. 128-135.

3 Skr. Maharastra, the country of the Marathi.

4 FAUSBOLL, Jat. vi, pp. 219-255.

5 The Yonas (Skt. Yavana) are also mentioned, together with the
Kambojas, in the Rock Edicts V and XIII of Asoka. They ' must
mean the clans of foreign race (not necessarily Greek) on the north-
western frontier, included in the empire (of Asoka) '. V. A. SMITH,
Asoka, p. 132, n. 2. It is remarkable that just at that time (246 B.C.)
the Greco-Bactrian kingdom was founded by Diodotos. See SPIEGEL,
Eran. Alterthumsk., Ill, p. 49 foil.

6 Probably by this title is meant the suttanta 24 of the Catukkani-
pata in A. II, pp. 24-26. The Kalakaraina is supposed to be the place
where Buddha delivered this discourse.

7 The companions of Majjhima, according to Dip. 8. 10, Snip. 317",
MBv. 115s, and Tlka 2225, were the theras Kassapagotta, Muladeva
(Alakadeva), Sahadeva, and Dundubhissara. See the Introduction.

86 MaMvamsa xn. 42

he had gone with four theras, the Dhammacakkappavattana-

42 suttanta.1 Eighty kotis of living beings attained to the reward
of the path (of salvation). The five theras separately con-

43 verted five kingdoms ; from each of them a hundred thousand
persons received the pabbajja, believing in the doctrine of
the Sammasarpbuddha.

44 Together with the thera Uttara the thera Sona of wondrous

45 might went to Suvannabhumi.2 Now at this time, when-
ever a boy was born in the king's palace, a fearsome female
demon who came forth out of the sea, was wont to devour (the

46 child) and vanish again. And at that very moment a prince
was born in the king's palace. When the people saw the
theras they thought : ' These are companions of the demons/

47 and they came armed to kill them. And the theras
asked : * What does this mean ? ' and said to them : ' We

48 are pious ascetics, in no wise companions of the demon/
Then the demon came forth from the ocean with her follow-

49 ing, and when the people saw them they raised a great outcry.

50 But the thera created twice as many terrifying demons and
therewith surrounded the demon and her following on every
side. She thought : ' This (country) is come into possession
of these (people)/ and, panic-stricken, she took to flight.

51 When the thera had made a bulwark round the country he
pronounced in the assembly the Brahmajala(suttanta).3

52 Many were the people who came unto the (three) refuges
and the precepts of duty ; sixty thousand were converted to

1 I. e. ' The discourse of the setting in motion the wheel of the
doctrine.' See M.V. I. 6. 17 foil. (= Vin. Pit. i, p. 10 foil.); S.V,
pp. 420-431 ; S.B.E. xi, p. 146 foil.

a The general opinion was, until recently, that Suvannabhumi
'the gold-land' is lower Burma with adjacent districts. But this
is very doubtful, since it is a fact that Buddhism reached Burma from
China in the Mahayana-form and not before the fourth century A. D.
FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 428, suggests that Suvannabhumi might be
the country in Bengal called by Hiuen-tsang ' Ka-lo-na-su-fa-la-na '
= Karnasuvarna, or else the country along the river Son, a river in
Central India, and tributary of the Ganges on its right bank, which
is also called Hiranyavaha ' the gold-bearer '.

3 I. e. ' The Net of the Religious/ D. I, p. 1 foil.

xii. 55 The Converting of Different Countries 87

the true faith. Three thousand five hundred sons of noble 53
families received the pabbajja and one thousand five hundred
daughters of noble families received it likewise. Thenceforth 54
when a prince was born in the royal palace the kings gave to
such the name Sonuttara.

Since they did even forbear to enter into the bliss already 55
won — (such was) also the renunciation of the all-compassionate
Conqueror — they bestowed blessing on the world,1 (going) here
and there. Who should grow weary in (striving for) the
salvation of the world ?

Here ends the twelfth chapter, called ' The Converting of
Different Countries ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 The sense is this : The theras had already attained to arahant-
ship and were in possession of nibbana. Nevertheless they forebore
to pass into nibbana, in order that they might first show the way
salvation to the world. They thus followed the example of the
Buddha who had practised the same renunciation (kaddhana).
See M.V. I. 5. 2 foil. (= Yin. Pit, i, p. 4 foil.).

CHAPTEE XIII

THE COMING OF MAHINDA

1 THE great thera Mahinda, of lofty wisdom, who at that
time had been twelve years (a monk), charged by his teacher

2 and by the brotherhood to convert the island of Lanka, pon-
dered on the fitting time (for this) and thought : ( Old is the
king Mutasiva ; his son must become king/

3 When he had resolved to visit in the meantime his kinsfolk,
he bade farewell to his teacher and the brotherhood and

4 having asked the leave of the king he took with him the four
theras 1 and also Samghamitta/s son, the miraculously gifted

5 samanera Sumana,2 mighty in the six supernormal powers; and
he went to Dakkhinagiri 3 to confer on his kinsfolk (the) grace
(of his preaching). While he was so doing six months passed
away.

6 When he came in time to Vedisagiri 4 the city of his mother

7 Devi, he visited his mother and when Devi saw her dear son
she made him welcome, and his companions likewise, with
foods prepared by herself, and she led the thera up to the
lovely vihara Vedisagiri.

8 When the prince Asoka, while ruling over the realm of
Avanti, that his father had bestowed on him, halted in the

9 town of Vedisa, before he came to UjjenI, and met there a

1 0 lovely maiden named Devi, the daughter of a merchant, he
made her his wife ; and she was (afterwards) with child by

1 1 him and bore in UjjenI a beautiful boy, Mahinda, and when
two years had passed (she bore) a daughter, Samghamitta. At

1 See 12. 7. 2 See 5. 170.

3 A vihara in UjjenI, Skr. Uj jay in I. See note to 5. 39.

4 Vedisa is the modern Bhilsa in Gwalior State, situated 26 miles
north-east of Bhopal. See Imp. Gazetteer of India, s. v. ; E. MULLER,
J.P.T.S. 1888, p. 87 ; RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 288.

XIIL 20 The Coming of Mahinda 89

that time 1 she lived in the city of Vedisa. The thera who then 1 2
sojourned there, perceiving (that) the time (was come), thought
thus : ' In that great festival of consecration commanded by 1 3
my father shall the great king Devanampiyatissa take part,
and he shall know the splendour of the three things2 when he
has heard it from the envoys. He shall climb the Missaka- 14
mountain 3 on the uposatha-day of the month Jettha.4 On
that same day we will go to the beauteous isle of Lanka.'

The great Indra5 sought out the excellent thera Mahinda 15
and said to him : ' Set forth to convert Lanka ; by the Sam-
buddha also hast thou been foretold (for this) and we will be 16
those who aid thee there.'

The son of a daughter of Devi's sister, (a youth) named
Bhanduka, who had heard the doctrine preached by the thera 1 7
to Devi, and who had obtained the reward of one who shall
return no more unto life 6 remained with the thera.

When he had stayed there a month the thera, on the upo- 18
satha-day of the month Jettha, with the four theras and
Sumana,7 and the lay-disciple Bhanduka also, to the end that 19
they might be known for human beings,8 rose up in the air
(and departed) from that vihara ; and he, the (thera) of won-
drous powers, coming hither with his following alighted on 20

1 Namely, at the time of Mahinda's visit.

2 Cf. note to 12. 28.

3 Now the mountain Mihintale (= 'plain of Mahinda', according to
A. GUNASEKARA), 8 miles to the east of Anuradhapura.

4 See note to 1. 12.

6 A play upon the name Mahinda.

6 The stage of anagaml is the third and last stage but one, on
the path of salvation leading to nibbana. Such an one will not be
re-born, either in the world of gods or of men, but only in a Brahma-
world, where he will attain nibbana. See CHILDERS, s. v.

7 It seems almost as if v. 18 were an interpolated verse. If we
omit it 19 follows perfectly well on 17 : ' . . . remained with the
thera ; with this lay-disciple ... he rose up, &c.' That, besides,
the four theras and Sumana were Mahinda's fellow-travellers is
already known from 12. 7 and 13. 4.

8 With this cf. 14. 31, also Mah. ed., note to 13. 19 b and Album
Kern 205-206.

90 Mahavamsa xiii. 21

the pleasant Missaka-mountain, on the Sila-peak on the open
and fair Ambatthala.1

21 He who was foretold by the Sage, in the hour of death, as
bringing salvation to Lafika,2 by his merit in converting
Lanka, he, who for Lanka's salvation had become like to the
Master,3 alighted there, extolled by the gods of Lanka.

Here ends the thirteenth chapter, called ' The Coming of
Mahinda', in the Mahavamsa, compile;! for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

1 Cf. TENNENT, Ceylon, ii, p. 605 foil. The Silakuta is the northern
peak of the Mihintale-mountain. Immediately below it lies the little
tableland on which the Ambatthala-dagaba stands.

2 Lit. ' For the blessing of L.'

3 The allusion probably is to the Buddha's legendary visit to the
island.

CHAPTER XIV

THE ENTRY INTO THE CAPITAL

THE king Devanampiyatissa who had arranged a water- 1
festival for the dwellers in the capital, set forth to enjoy the
pleasures of the chase. Attended by forty thousand of his 2
men he went on foot to the Missaka-mountain. The deva of 3
the mountain who desired to show the theras to him, appeared
there in the form of an elk-stag browsing in the thicket.
When the king saw him, he thought : ' It is unseemly to kill 4
an unheeding (creature) ' and he struck out a sound from his
bowstring; the stag fled towards the mountain. The king 5
pursued, but the stag in his flight drew near to the thera.
When the thera came into the prince's view the (deva) himself
vanished.

Thinking : ' If he sees too many (people) he will be too 6
much afraid/ the thera let (the king) see him alone. When
the king beheld him he stood still terrified. The thera said to 7
him : ' Come hither, Tissa/ Then, from the calling him by
his name, Tissa, the king thought forthwith : ' (That is) a
yakkha/ ( Samanas are we, O great king, disciples of the 8
King of Truth. From compassion toward thee are we come
hither from Jambudlpa/ thus said the thera. When the king 9
heard this fear left him. And remembering the message of
his friend, and persuaded that these were samanas, he laid bow 1 0
and arrow aside and approaching the sage he exchanged greet-
ing with the thera and sat down near him.

Then came his people and surrounded him and the great thera 1 1
caused the others who had come with him to become visible.
When the king beheld' these too he said : ( When did these come 12
hither ? ' The thera answered : ' (They came) with me/ And

9 2 MaMvamsa XI V. 1 3

1 3 he asked moreover : ' Are there in Jambudipa other ascetics
like to these ? ' The other said : ' Jambudipa is gleaming with

14 yellow robes; and great is the number there of arahants
learned in the three vedas, gifted with miraculous powers,
skilled in reading the thoughts of others, possessing the
heavenly ear: l the disciples of the Buddha/

1 5 (The king) then asked : ' By what way are you come ? '
And since the answer was : ' Neither by land nor by water-
are we come,' he understood that they had come through
the air.

1 6 To test him that most wise (thera) now asked a subtle ques-
tion, and even as he was questioned the monarch answered the
questions severally.

1 7 ' What name does this tree bear, O king ? '
' This tree is called a mango/

' Is there yet another mango beside this ? '
' There are many mango-trees/

1 8 ' And are there yet other trees besides this mango and the
other mangoes ? '

' There are many trees, sir ; but those are trees that are not
mangoes.'

19 'And are there, beside the other mangoes and those trees
which are not mangoes, yet other trees ? '

' There is this mango-tree, sir/

' Thou hast a shrewd wit, O ruler of men ! '

20 < Hast thou kinsfolk, O king ? '
* They are many, sir/

' And are there also some, O king, who are not kinsfolk of
thine ? '

' There are yet more 2 of those than of my kin/

21 'Is there yet any one besides the kinsfolk and the others ? '
' There is yet myself, sir/

' Good ! thou hast a shrewd wit, O ruler of men ! '

22 When he had known that he was a keen-witted man, the

1 Iddhi, cetopariyanana and dibbasota are three of the
six abhinna. See note on 4. 12 (No. I, III, II).

2 The positive bahu, with the abl. natito, stands instead of the
comparative. See 12. 25 (with note) also Mah. ed., Introd., p. liv.

xiv. 32 Tlie Entry into the Capital 93

wise thera preached to the monarch the Culahatthipadupama-
suttanta.1 At the end of the discourse he, with the forty 23
thousand men, came unto the (three) refuges.2

In the evening1 they brought the king's meal to him. 24
Although the king knew that these (bhikkhus) would not eat
then he invited the sages to the meal, with the thought : ' It 25
were seemly at least to ask them/ When they told him:
' We do not eat now/ he asked concerning the time. And 26
when he was told the time, he said : ' We will go into the
city/

1 Go thou, great king, we will stay here/

' If that be so, then must this young man 3 come with us/ 2 7

' This (youth) is one who has attained the goal,4 has grasped
the doctrine and waits for the pabbajja, (therefore) must he 28
abide near us. We wish to bestow on him the pabbajja now;
depart then, O king/ Then, when he had taken leave of the 29
theras with the words : ( To-morrow I will send a waggon,
do you enter it and come into the city,' he took Bhandu aside
and asked him what the theras intended (to do). And he 30
told the king all. When (the king) heard the thera's name
he was full of joy and thought : ' This is blessing for me/
And now the king, whose fear had left him because Bhandu 31
was a layman, knew that these were human beings.5 Saying :
'Let us bestow on him the pabbajja/ the thera bestowed on 32
young Bhanduka, within the boundaries of that village and
within that group (of bhikkhus),6 both the pabbajja and the

1 I.e. 'The lesser discourse on the simile of the elephant's foot-
print.' M. I, pp. 175-184.

2 See notes to 1. 32 and 62. 8 Namely Bhandu.
4 Agataphala is a synonym of anagamiphala. See 13. 17.

8 See the note to 13. 19. The king's remaining fears that he was
in the presence of supernatural beings, were only overcome by the
details communicated by Bhandu.

6 Every monastery has its parish, the bounds of which (sima) are
strictly fixed according to M.V. II. 11 foil., and within these the
ecclesiastical proceedings take place. Since there were as yet no
monasteries in Ceylon the boundaries of the village situated on Mis-
saka served as a parish. But the chapter (gana) which carried out
the ordination was formed by Mahinda and his companions.

94 Mahavamsa xiv. 33

33 upasampada-ordination, and even in the same moment he
attained to the state of arahant.

34 Then the thera ordered the samanera Sumana: 'Announce ye
the time of preaching the dhamma/ He asked : f How far, sir,

35 shall I make the time to be heard when I announce it?' When
the thera answered : ' Over all Tambapanni,' he announced the
time of (preaching- the) dhamma, making it to be heard, by
his miraculous power, over the whole of Lanka.

36 When the king, who was seated by the rock-basin at the
Nagacatukka1 and was taking his repast, heard the loud

37 summons, he sent a message to the thera asking: 'Has any
misfortune come to pass ? ' He answered : ' No misfortune has
come to pass ; the time was proclaimed for hearing the word
of the Sambuddha.'

38 When the earth-gods heard the summons of the samanera
they echoed it and so the call rose up gradually to Brahma's

39 heaven. Because of the summons there came together a great
assembly of devas ; and the thera preached before this gather-
ing the Samaeitta-sutta.2

40 Devas without number were converted to the doctrine
and many nagas and supannas 3 came unto the (three)

41 refuges. Even as when the thera Sariputta uttered this
discourse so did the devas gather together to hear it from
Mahinda.

42 On the morrow the king sent a waggon. The driver came
and said : ' Mount into the waggon, we will drive to the city/

43 'We will not mount into the waggon; go thou, we will
follow thee.' Saying this they, full of holy desires,4 sent the

44 driver away; and they rose into the air and by their miraculous
power they descended to the east of the city in the place

1 By this is probably meant the Nagapokuna situated some distance
below the Ambatthala. See GEIGER, Ceylon, p. 204.

2 By Samacitta-sutta we have to understand Sutta 5-6 of the
Samacitta-vagga in the Dukanipata of A. I, pp. 63-65. The subject is
spiritual calm.

8 See note to 19. 20.

4 In sumanoratha a play on the words ratha 'waggon' and
sarathi 'driver' is intended. The ratha of the theras is sum anas
4 pious feeling '.

xiv. 58 The Entry into the Capital 95

where the first thupa (afterwards stood). And thenceforward 45
to this day the cetiya that was built on the spot where the
theras first alighted * is called the Pathamacetiya.2

Since the women of the royal household, hearing from the 4(i
king of the virtues of the theras, desired to see them, the
monarch had a lovely pavilion built for them within the royal 4 7
precincts, covered with white stuffs and with flowers and
beautifully adorned.

And since he had heard from the thera that they would not 48
sit upon raised seats, he pondered doubtfully : ' Will the thera
indeed sit upon a raised seat ? ' In the meantime the driver 49
saw the theras standing there 3 putting on their robes and in
wonderment he came and told the king. Hearing all (this) it 50
became clear to the king that they would not sit on chairs.
And commanding : ' Let the finest carpets be spread upon the 5 1
ground/ he went to meet the theras, greeted them reverently,
took the almsbowl from the great thera Mahinda's hand and 52
led the thera into the city, as is the custom in hospitable
welcome and homage.

And the soothsayers, when they saw the seats prepared, 53
foretold : f The earth is occupied by these (bhikkhus) ; they
will be lords upon the island.' Showing them honour the king 54
led the theras into the palace. There, according to their rank,
they took their seat on chairs covered with stuffs. The king 55
himself served them with rice-soup and with foods hard and
soft. And when the meal was finished, he himself sat down
at their feet and sent for Anula, the consort of his younger 56
brother, the sub-king Mahanaga, who dwelt in the royal
palace. When the queen Anula had come with five hundred 57
women and had bowed down and made offerings to the theras,
she stepped to one side. The thera preached the Petavatthu, 58

1 Cf. the same construction in 10. 10. See also Mah. ed., Introd.,
p. liii.

2 The Pathamacetiya ' the First cetiya' has not been found in
the ruins of Anuradhapura. It stood, no doubt, outside the eastern
gate of the city. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 275.

3 Namely at the spot where they had alighted from the air, and
where the driver only arrived after them.

96 Mahuvamsa xiv. 59

the Vimanavatthu l and the Sacca-samyutta.2 The women
attained to the first stage of sanctification.3

59 And many people from the city, hearing- from persons who
had seen them the day before, of the virtues of the theras,

60 came together desirous to see the theras and made a great stir
at the palace-gates. When the king heard that and had been
told, on asking, (why it was so,) he said, thoughtful for their

61 welfare : ' Here there is not enough space for all these men ;
let them cleanse the hall of the state-elephant, there shall

62 the townspeople be able to look upon the theras. When
they had cleansed the elephant's hall, and had adorned
it speedily with canopies and so forth, they prepared seats

63 there (for the theras), according to their rank. The great
thera went thither with the (other) theras and when he had
taken his seat, he, the eminent preacher, preached the Deva-

64 duta-suttanta.4 When the townspeople, who were come
together, heard it, they were filled with faith and a thousand
persons among them attained to the first stage of salvation.

65 When thus in the isle of Lanka the peerless thera, like
unto the Master in the protection of Lanka, had preached the
true doctrine in two places, in the speech of the island, he,
the light of the island, thus brought to pass the descent of the
true faith.

Here ends the fourteenth chapter, called ' The Entry into
the Capital ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

1 The Petavatthu and the Vimanavatthu are books of the
Khuddaka-nikaya in the Sutta-pitaka. The former contains stories
of ghosts that dwell in the ghost-world, as a punishment for sins
committed, the latter contains descriptions of the marvellous palaces
that serve as dwellings for happy ghosts. Both texts have been edited
by EDM. HARDY, P.T.S. 1889, 1886.

2 See S. V, pp. 414-478.

3 I. e. the sotapatti. Cf. note to 1. 33.

4 See note to 12. 29.

CHAPTER XV

THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE MAHAVIHABA

WHEN they saw that the elephant's hall was also too small, 1
the people who had assembled there, full of pious zeal, prepared
seats for the theras outside the southern gate, in the pleasant 2
Nandana-garden l in the royal park, thickly shaded, cool and
covered with verdure. The thera went forth by the south gate 3
and seated himself there. Numbers of women of noble families
who came thither sat at the thera' s feet filling the garden. 4
And to them the thera preached the Balapandita-suttanta.2 A 5
thousand of the women attained to the first stage of salvation.
So, there in the grove, evening fell.

Then the theras set forth saying : ' We will go hence to 6
the mountain.' And they told the king, and the king came
with all speed. Approaching the thera he said to him : ' It is 7
evening-time, and the mountain is far away ; but here in the
Nandana-garden is a pleasant place to rest/ When they 8
answered : ' It is not fitting (for us) being too near the city/
(he said) : ' The Mahamegha-park is neither too far nor
too near ; pleasant (is it), and water and shade abound there ; 9
may it please you to rest there ! Thou must turn back, lord ! '
Then the thera turned back.

The cetiya (afterwards) built on the spot where he turned 1 0
back, near the Kadamba-river, is called therefore Nivatta-
cetiya.3

Southwards from Nandana the lord of chariots himself led 1 1
the thera to the Mahamegha-park, at the east gate. When 12

1 See note to 11.2.

2 I. e. ' the discourse of the fool and the wise man.' Probably the
suttanta S. II, pp. 23-25, or perhaps A. I, 101-105.

3 I.e. the turning-back cetiya. The thupa was probably not far
from the Pathamacetiya. See note to 14. 45.

98 Mahavamsa XV. 13

the king had bidden them prepare fine beds and chairs in
fitting wise, in the pleasant royal dwelling, and had taken

13 leave of the theras, saying: ' Dwell here in comfort/ he
returned to the city, surrounded by his ministers ; but the
theras sojourned there that night.

14 As soon as the morning came, the ruler of the land took
flowers and visited the theras, greeting them and offering

1 5 flowers in homage, and he asked them : ' Was (your) rest
pleasant ? Is the garden fitting (for you) ? '

' Pleasant was our rest, O great king, and the garden is
fitting for ascetics.'

1 6 And he asked (moreover) : { Is an arama allowed to the
brotherhood, sir ? ' ' It is allowed/ replied the thera, who had
knowledge of that which is allowed and that which is not

17 allowed. And he related the accepting of the Veluvanarama.1
When the other heard it, he rejoiced greatly and (all) the
people were pleased and joyful.

1 8 But the queen Anula, who had come with five hundred women
to greet the theras, attained to the second stage of salvation.2

19 And the queen Anula with her five hundred women said to
the king : ' We would fain receive the pabbajja-ordination,

20 your Majesty/ The king said to the thera, ' Bestow ye on
them the pabbajja ! ' But the thera made answer to the
king : (It is not allowed (to us), O great king, to bestow the

21 pabbajja on women. But in Pataliputta there lives a nun,
my younger sister, known by the name Samghamitta. She,

22 who is ripe in experience, shall come hither bringing with her
the southern branch of the great Bodhi-tree of the king of
samanas, O king of men, and (bringing) also bhikkhums

23 renowned (for holiness) ; to this end send a message to the
king my father. When this then is here she will confer the
pabbajja upon these women/

1 The Veluvana 'Bamboo-grove' near Rajagaha was a present
of the Magadha-king Bimbisara to the Buddha. M.V. I. 22. 17-18
(= Vin. Pit. i, p. 39, S.B.E. xiii, p. 143) ; Jat. i, p. 85, 1 foil.

2 I.e. the sakadagamiphala. A sakadagami is one who
will only once be reborn in the world of men before attaining to
nibbana.

xv. 34 TJie Acceptance of the MaJiavihdra 99

1 It is well/ said the king1, and taking a splendid vase he 24
poured water (in token) of giving1, over the hand of the thera
Mahinda with the words : ' This Mahamegha-park do I give 25
to the brotherhood.'

As the water fell on the ground, the great earth quaked.
And the protector of the earth asked the (thera) : ' Wherefore 26
does the earth quake ? ' And he replied : ' Because the
doctrine is (from henceforth) founded in the island/

The noble (king)1 offered jasmine-blossoms to the thera, 27
and the thera went to the royal dwelling and scattered eight
handfuls of blossoms about the picula-tree 2 standing3 on the 28
south side of it. And then again the earth "quaked and when
he was questioned he gave this reason : l Already in the life- 29
time of three Buddhas there has been here a malaka4 for
carrying out the duties of the brotherhood, O king, and now
will it be so once more/

Northward he went from the royal dwelling to the beautiful 30
bathing-tank, and there also the thera scattered as many
blossoms. And then again did the earth quake, and being 31
asked (the thera) gave this reason : f This, O ruler of the earth,
will be the tank with the room for warm baths.' 5

Then the wise (thera) went to the gateway of the same 32
king's dwelling and did homage to the spot with (the offering
of) as many flowers. And here again the earth quaked; and 33
quivering with joy the king asked the reason, and the thera
told him the reason: ' Here the south branch of the Bodhi- 34

1 A play on the words jatimant 'of high birth' (jati), and jati
1 the great flowered jasmine '.

2 Tamarix Indica.

9 I would prefer the reading thite agreeing with picule instead
of thito. Certainly B2 is the only one in the collated MSS. that
has this reading, but it is supported by the Tlka.

4 Malaka is a space marked off and usually terraced, within which
sacred functions were carried out. In the Mahavihara (Tissarama)
at Anuradhapura there were 32 malakas. Dip. 14. 78; Mah. 15. 192.
The sacred Bodhi-tree for instance was surrounded by a malaka.

6 On the jantaghara ('a bathing-place for hot sitting-baths',
S.B.E. xiii, p. 157, n. 2) see M.V. I. 25. 12-13; C.V. V. 14. 3 foil.;
VIII. 8. 1 foil.

H 2

100 Mahdvamsa xv« 35

tree of the three Buddhas1 of our age was planted, when

35 they had brought it hither, O king, and the south branch of
the Bodhi-tree of our Tathagata will likewise have its place on
this same spot, lord of the earth.'

36 Then the great thera went to the Mahamucalamalaka and

37 scattered on that spot as many flowers. And then again the
earth quaked, and being questioned he told (the king) the
reason: 'The uposatha-hall of the brotherhood will be here,
O lord of the earth/

38 Afterwards the wise thera went to the place of the Panham-
bamalaka.

A ripe mango- tree, excellent in colour, fragrance and taste

39 and of large size, did the gardener offer to the king, and the

40 king offered the splendid (fruit) to the thera. The thera,
bringer of good to mankind, let the king know that he would
fain rest seated and forthwith the king had a fine carpet

41 spread. When the thera was seated the king gave him the
mango-fruit. When the thera had eaten it he gave the kernel

42 to the king to plant. The king himself planted it there and

43 over it, that it might grow, the thera washed his hands. In
that same moment a shoot sprouted forth from the kernel and
grew little by little to a tall tree bearing leaves and fruit.

44 When those who were present with the king beheld this
miracle, they stood there doing homage to the thera, their hair
raising on end (with amazement).

45 Now the thera scattered there eight handfuls of flowers and
then again the earth quaked. And being asked he gave the

46 reason : ' This place will be the place where many gifts shall
be distributed, which shall be given to the brotherhood, (the
bhikkhus) being assembled together, O ruler of men/

47 And he went up to the place where (afterwards) the Catus-
sala 2 was, and there he scattered as many flowers, and then

1 The three Buddhas who preceded the historical Buddha in the
present age of the world (kappa, lasting many millions of years),
are named Kakusandha, Konagamana and Kassapa. According to
the legend they all, like Gotama, visited Ceylon and the events
always followed the same course. GEIGER, Dlpavamsa and Mahavamsa,
p. 8 foil., and Hah. 15. 57 foil.

2 I. e. a quadrangular hall which served as a refectory for the monks.

xv. 60 The Acceptance of the MahaviJifiva l:0'i

again did the earth quake. And when the king asked the 48
reason of the earthquake the thera made answer : ' On the
occasion of the receipt of a royal park by the three former 49
Buddhas,1 on this spot the gifts brought from all parts by
the dwellers in the island being laid down, the three Blessed
Ones and their communities accepted them. And now again 50
the Catussala will stand here and here will be the refectory of
the brotherhood, O lord of men/

From thence the great thera Mahinda, the friend 2 of the 5 1
island, knowing what was a fitting place, and what unfitting,
went to the spot where the Great thupa 3 (afterwards) stood.

At that time there was within the enclosure of the royal 52
park a little pond called the Kakudha-pond ; at its upper end,
on the brink of the water, was a level spot fitting for the 53
thupa.

When the thera went thither they brought the king eight
baskets of cam paka- flowers.4 The king offered the campaka- 54
flowers to the thera and the thera did homage to the spot with
the campaka-flowers. And then again the earth quaked, the 55
king asked the reason of the earthquake and the thera gave
in due order the reasons for the earthquake.

( This place, O great king, which has been visited by four 56
Buddhas is worthy of a thupa, to be a blessing and happiness
to beings.

' In our age of the world there lived first5 the Conqueror 57
Kakusandha, a teacher versed in all truth, compassionate
toward all the world. At that time this Mahamegha-grove 58
was known as Mahatittha ; the capital called Abhaya lay east-
ward on the other side of the Kadamba-river,6 there Abhaya 59
was king. This island then bore the name Ojadlpa.

' By (the power of) the demons pestilence arose here among 60

1 See note to 15. 34.

2 Dlpavaddhana, lit. furtherer, increaser of the island.

3 I. e. the Ruwanwseli-dagaba = pali Hemamali, see 15. 167.

4 Michelia Champaka, Lin., belonging to the Magnoliaceae.
6 Cf. 15. 91 foil., and 125 foil.

6 I now prefer to refer Kadambanadiya pare to the preceding
phrase, therefore Mah. ed. the comma after ahu (58 d.) should be
deleted and placed after pare (59 a).

Maliavamsa xv. 61

the people. When Kakusandha, who was gifted with the ten
G 1 powers,1 knew of this misery, then, to bring- it to an end and
to achieve the converting of beings and progress of the doc-
trine in this island, he, urged on by the might of his compas-

62 sion, came through the air surrounded by forty thousand

63 (disciples) like to him,2 and stood on the Devakuta-mountain.
By the power of the Satnbuddha, O great king, the pestilence
ceased then here over the whole island.

64 ' Standing there, O king of men, the King of the Wise, the
Great Sage, proclaimed his will : " All men in Ojadlpa shall

65 see me this day, and if they only desire to come (to me) all
men shall draw near to me without trouble and speedily/''

66 f When the king and the townsfolk saw the Prince of the
Wise, shining and making the mountain to shine, they came
swiftly thither.

07 ' The people, who were going thither to bring offerings to the
devatas, believed the Guide of the World with the brotherhood

68 to be (such) devatas. And when the king, greatly rejoicing
had greeted the King of the Wise, had invited him to a repast

09 and had brought him into the city, the monarch then thinking :
" This stately and pleasant place is fitting for the resting-place
of the Prince of the Wise, with the brotherhood, and not too

70 small/' made the Sambuddha and the brotherhood sit here on
beautiful seats in a fine pavilion raised (by him).

71 'When the people in the island saw the Guide of the world
with the brotherhood sitting here they brought gifts hither

72 from every side. And the king served the Guide of the World
together with the brotherhood with his own food, both hard
and soft, and with such (foods) as were brought by sundry
other folk.

73 < While the Conqueror was seated, after the meal, on this very
spot,3 the king offered him the Mahatitthaka-garden as a

74 precious gift. When the Mahatitthaka-grove, gay with

1 See note to 3. 6.

2 Tadi, i.e. like him, blessed like (the Buddha) himself; by ex-
tension, a synonym of araha. Cf. Therag. 62, 205, 206; Suttanip.
86, 957, &c.

3 Idheva, that is, ' here, just where we now are.'

XV. 87 The Acceptance of tine Maliavihara 103

blossoms at an unwonted season, was accepted by the Buddha
the great earth quaked. And sitting even here, the Master 75
preached the doctrine ; forty thousand persons attained to the
fruit of the path (of salvation).

' When the Conqueror had stayed the day through in the 76
Mahatittha-grove he went in the evening to that plot of ground
which was fitting f o r the place of the Bodhi-tree, and after he, sit- 7 7
ting there, had sunk in deep meditation the Sambuddha, rising
from thence again, thought, mindful of the salvation of the
island-people : " Bringing the south branch of my Bodhi-tree, 78
the sirlsa,1 with her, the bhikkhunl Rucananda shall come
hither with (other) bhikkhunls."

' When the then knew his thought2 she forthwith took the 79
king of that country3 with her and went to the tree. Then 80
when the then of wondrous power had drawn a line with a
pencil of red arsenic around the south branch she took the
Bodhi-tree thus separated and set it in a golden vase, and this, 8 1
by her miraculous power she brought hither, O great king,
with (company of her) live hundred bhikkhunis, surrounded by
the devatas, and she placed it, with its golden vase, in the out- 82
stretched right hand of the Sambuddha. The Tathagata
received the Bodhi-branch and gave it to the king Abhaya to 83
plant; the lord of the earth planted it in the Mahatittha-
garden.

' Then the Sambuddha went northwards from this place, and 84
sitting in the beautiful Sirlsamalaka the Tathagata preached 85
the true doctrine to the people. Then, O prince, the conversion
of twenty thousand living beings took place.4 Thereupon the 86
Conqueror went yet further north to that plot of ground where
(afterwards) the Thuparama5 stood, and after he, sitting there,
had sunk into meditation, the Sambuddha rising from thence 87
again preached the doctrine to those around him, and even at
that place did ten thousand living beings attain to the fruit of
the path (of salvation).

1 Acacia Sirissa. 2 By means of her omniscience.

3 According to the Tika king Khema of Khemavati (in Jambudipa).
See Buddhavamsa (ed. MORRIS, P.T.S. 1882) XXIII. 8.

4 See note to 1. 32. 5 See below, note to 17. 30.

104 Mahavamsa XV. 88

88 ( Giving his own holy drinking- vessel for the homage of the
people and leaving the bhikkhuni here with her following and

89 also his disciple Mahadeva with a thousand bhikkhus, the

90 Sambuddha went eastward from thence, and standing on the
place of the Ratanamala, he delivered exhortations to the people ;
then rising in the air with the brotherhood the Conqueror
returned to Jambudlpa.

9 1 t Second l in our age of the world was the Lord Konagamana,
the all-knowing Teacher, compassionate toward all the world.

92 < At that time this Mahamegha-grove was known as Maha-
noma, the capital called Vaddhamana, lay to the south.

93 Samiddha was the name of the king of that region then. This
island then bore the name Varadipa.

94 f At that time the misery of drought prevailed here in Vara-
dipa. When the Conqueror Konagamana knew of this misery,

95 then, to bring it to an end, and afterwards to achieve the con-
verting of beings and progress of the doctrine in this island,

96 he, urged on by the might of his compassion, came through
the air, surrounded by thirty thousand (disciples) like to him-

97 self, and stood upon the Sumanakutaka-mountain. By the
power of the Sambuddha the drought came to an end, and
from the time that the decline of the doctrine ceased rainfall
in due season now began.

98 ' And standing there, O king of men, the King of the Wise,
the Great Sage, proclaimed his will : " All men in Varadipa

99 shall see me this day, and if they only desire to come (to me)
all men shall draw near to me without trouble and speedily/'

100 ( When the king and the townsfolk saw the Prince of the
Wise, shining and making the mountain to shine, they came
swiftly thither.

101 'The people who were going thither to bring offerings to
the devatas believed the Guide of the World with the

102 brotherhood to be (such) devatas. And when the king,
greatly rejoicing, had greeted the King of the Wise, had

103 invited him to a repast, and had brought him to the city, the
monarch then thinking : " This stately and pleasant place is

1 Cf. 15. 57 foil., and 15. 125 foil.

xv. 117 Tlie Acceptance of the Mahavihara 105

fitting for the resting-place of the Prince of the Wise with
the brotherhood and not too small," made the Sambuddha and 104
the brotherhood sit here on beautiful seats in a fine pavilion
raised (by him).

'When the people of the island saw the Guide of the World 105
with the brotherhood sitting here, they brought gifts hither
from every side. And the king served the Guide of the 106
World together with the brotherhood with his own food, both
hard and soft, and with such (foods) as were brought by
sundry other folk.

'While the Conqueror was sitting, after the meal on this 107
very spot, the king offered him the Mahanoma-garden as
a precious gift. And when the Mahanoma-grove, gay with 108
blossoms at an unwonted season, was accepted by the Buddha
the great earth quaked. And sitting even here, the Master 109
preached the doctrine ; then thirty thousand persons attained
to the fruit of the path (of salvation).

'When the Conqueror had stayed the day through in the 110
Mahanoma-grove, he went in the evening to that plot of
ground where the former Bodhi-tree had stood, and after 111
he, sitting there, had sunk in deep meditation, the Sambuddha,
rising from thence again, thought, mindful of the salvation of
the island-people : " Bringing the south branch of my Bodhi- 112
tree, the udumbara1 with her, the bhikkhuni Kantakananda
shall come hither with (other) bhikkhums."

( When the then knew his thought she forthwith took the 113
king of that region 2 with her and went to the tree. Then 114
when the then of wondrous power had drawn a line with
a pencil of red arsenic around the south branch, she took the
Bodhi-tree thus separated, and set it in a golden vase, and 115
this, by her miraculous power, she brought hither, O great
king, with (her company of) five hundred bhikkhums,
surrounded by the devatas, and she placed it, with its golden 116
vase, in the outstretched right hand of the Sambuddha. The
Tathagata received it and gave it to the king Samiddha to 1 1 7

1 Ficus glomerata.

2 According to the Tika king Sobhana (Buddhavamsa XXIV. 16 :
Sobha) in the city Sobhavatl.

106 Mahavamsa xv. 118

plant ; the lord of the earth planted it there in the Mahanoma
garden.

118 ' Then the Sambuddha went northward from the Sirisamala
and preached the doctrine to the people, sitting in the Naga-

119 malaka. When they heard the preaching of the doctrine, O
king, the conversion of twenty thousand living beings took

120 place. When he had gone yet further northward to the place
where the former Buddha had sat, and after he, sitting there,

121 had sunk into meditation, the Sambuddha, rising from thence
again, preached the doctrine to those around him, and even at
that place did ten thousand living beings attain to the fruit
of the path (of salvation).

122 ' Giving his girdle as a relic for the homage of the people,

123 and leaving the bhikkhum here with her following and also
his disciple Mahasumba with a thousand bhikkhus, the Sam-

124 buddha, standing on this side of the Ratanamala in the
Sudassanamala, delivered exhortations to the people; then
rising with the brotherhood into the air, the Conqueror
returned to Jambudipa.

125 * Third l in our age of the world was the Conqueror of the
Kassapa clan, the all-knowing Teacher, compassionate toward
the whole world.

126 'The Mahamegha-grove was called (at that time) Mahasa-

127 gara; the capital, named Visala, lay toward the West. Jayanta
was the name of the king of that region then, and this isle
bore then the name of Mandadipa.

128 ' At that time a hideous and life-destroying war had broken

129 out between king Jayanta and his younger royal brother. When
Kassapa, gifted with the ten powers,2 the Sage, full of com-
passion, knew how great was the wretchedness caused to

130 beings by this war, then, to bring it to an end and afterwards
to achieve the converting of beings and progress of the doctrine

131 in this island, he, urged on by the might of his compassion,
came through the air surrounded by twenty thousand (disciples)
like to himself, and he stood on the Subhakuta-mountain.

132 ' Standing there, O king of men, the King of the Wise, the
Great Sage, proclaimed his will: "All men in MandadTpa

1 Cf. 15. 57 foil., and 91 foil. 3 See note to 3. 6.

xv. 147 The Acceptance of the MaMvihara 107

shall see me this day; and if they only desire to come (to me) 133
all men shall draw near to me without trouble and speedily."

'When the king- and the townsfolk saw the Prince of the 134
Wise, shining and making the mountain to shine, they came
swiftly thither. The many people who were coming to the 135
mountain bringing offerings to the devatas, that their own
side might win the victory, believed the Guide of the World 136
with the brotherhood to be (such) devatas ; and the king and
the prince amazed, halted in their battle. When the king, 137
greatly rejoicing, had greeted the King of the Wise, had
invited him to a repast and had brought him to the city, the
monarch then thinking: l( This stately and pleasant place is 138
fitting for the resting-place of the King of the Wise with the
brotherhood and not too small," made the Sambuddha and 139
the brotherhood sit here on beautiful seats in a fine pavilion
raised (by him).

' When the people of the island saw the Guide of the World 140
with the brotherhood sitting here, they brought gifts hither
from every side. And the king served the Guide of the 141
World together with the brotherhood with his own food, both
hard and soft, and with such (foods) as were brought by sundry
other folk.

' While the Conqueror was sitting, after the meal, on this 142
very spot, the king offered him the Mahasagara-garden as
a precious gift. And when the Mahasagara-grove, gay with 143
blossoms at an unwonted season, was accepted by the Buddha,
the great earth quaked. And sitting even here, the Master 144
preached the doctrine ; then twenty thousand persons attained
to the fruit of the path (of salvation).

' When the Blessed One had stayed the day through in the 145
Mahasagara-grove, he went in the evening to that plot of
ground where the former Bodhi-trees had stood, and after he, 146
sitting there, had sunk into deep meditation, the Sambuddha,
rising from thence again, thought, mindful of the salvation of
the island-people ; " Bringing the south branch of my Bodhi- 147
tree, the nigrodha,1 with her, the bhikkhum Sudhamma shall
come now with (other) bhikkhums."

1 Ficus Indica, the banyan-tree.

108 MaMvamsa XV. 148

148 'When the then knew his thought she forthwith took the

149 king1 of that region with her and went to the tree. Then
when the therl of wondrous power had drawn a line with
a pencil of red arsenic around the south branch, she took the

150 Bodhi-branch thus separated and set it in a golden vase, and
this, by her miraculous power, she brought hither, O great king,
with (her company of) five hundred bhikkhums, surrounded by

151 the devatas ; and she placed it with its golden vase, in the
out-stretched right hand of the Sambuddha ; the Tathagata

152 received it and gave it to the king Jayanta to plant; the
lord of the earth planted it there in the Mahasagara-garden.

153 ' Then the Buddha went northward from the Nagamalaka
and preached the doctrine to the people seated in the Asoka-

154 malaka. When they heard the preaching of the doctrine,
O ruler of men, even there the conversion of four thousand

155 living beings took place. When he had then gone yet further
northward to the place where the former Buddhas had sat,
and after he, sitting there, had sunk into meditation, the

156 Sambuddha, rising from thence again, preached the doctrine
to those around him ; and even in that place did ten thousand
living beings attain to the fruit of the path (of salvation).

157 ' Giving his rain-cloak as a relic for the homage of the people,

158 and leaving the bhikkhuni here with her following, and also
his disciple Sabbananda with a thousand bhikkhus, he, stand-

159 ing on this side of the river (and) of the Sudassanamala in
the Somanassamalaka, delivered exhortations to the people;
then rising with the brotherhood into the air, the Conqueror
returned to Jambudlpa.

160 ' Fourth in our age of the world lived the Conqueror
Gotama, the teacher, knowing the whole truth, compassionate

161 toward the whole world. When he came hither the first time
he drove forth the yakkhas, when he came hither again the

162 second time he subdued the nagas. When, besought by the
naga Maniakkhi in Kalyam, he returned the third time, he took

163 his meal there with the brotherhood ; and when he had taken

1 According to the Tlka king Kiki in the city of Baranasi (Benares).
SeeBuddhavamsaXXV.33 ; Therigatha,Comm.(Paramatthadipani V),
p. 1727, &c.

xv. 173 Hie Acceptance of the Mahavihara 109

his ease l in the place where the former Bodhi-trees had stood
and in the place here appointed for the thupa and (also) in
the place (appointed for the guarding) of those (things) used
by him (and left as) relics,2 and when he had gone to this 164
side of the place where the former Buddhas had stood, the
great Sage, the Light of the World, since there were then no
human beings in Lahkadipa, uttered exhortations to the host 165
of devatas, dwelling in the island, and to the nagas ; then rising
into the air with the brotherhood the Conqueror returned to
Jambudlpa.

' Thus was this place, O king, visited by four Buddhas ; on 166
this spot, O great king, will the thupa stand hereafter, with 167
the relic-chamber for a dona 3 of the relics of the Buddha's
body; (it will be) a hundred and twenty cubits4 high and
(will be) known by the name Hemamall.'

Then said the ruler of the earth: ' I myself will build it.' 168
Tor thee, O king, are many other tasks to fulfil here. Do 169
thou carry them out; but one descended from thee shall
build this (thupa). A son of thy brother6 the vice-regent
Mahanama, one named Yatthalayakatissa, will hereafter be 170
king, his son will be the king named Gothabhaya; his son 171
will be (the king) named Kakavannatissa ; this king's son,
O king, will be the great king named Abhaya, renowned under 172
the title Dutthagamani : he, great in glory, wondrous power
and prowess, will build the thupa here.'

Thus spoke the thera, and because of the thera's words the 173

1 Lit. ' when he had enjoyed by sitting down (in meditation) the
place, &c.'

2 Cf. 15, 88. 122, 157. Paribhogadhatu is a relic consisting of
something used by the dead Saint, in opposition to sariradhatu
' body-relic ', i. e. remains of his body.

3 A certain measure of capacity. See CHILDEKS, P.D., s. v.

4 According to the Abhidhanappadipika a ratana or hattha is
equal to 2 vidatthi (=8|-9 inches). See RHYS DAVIDS, Ancient
Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 15. The total height of the thupa
would accordingly be nearly 180 feet. This is exactly the height of
the main body of the Ruwanwseli-dagaba without the ' tee '. SMITHER,
Architectural Remains, Anuradhapura, p. 27 and Plate XXIV.

6 Cf. 22. 1 foil.

110 MaMvamsa XV. 174

monarch set up here a pillar of stone, whereon he inscribed
these saying's.

174 And as the great and most wise thera, Mahinda of wondrous
power, accepted the pleasant Mahamegha-grove, the Tissarama,

175 he, the unshakeable caused the earth to quake in eight places;1
and when going his round for alms he had entered the city

176 like unto the ocean and had taken his meal in the king's
house, he left the palace, and when, sitting there in the
Nandana-grove, he had preached to the people the sutta

177 Aggikkhandhopama 2 and had made a thousand persons par-
takers in the fruit of the path (of sanctification) he rested
(again) in the Mahamegha-grove.

178 When the thera had eaten on the third day in the king's
house, and sitting in the Nandana-grove had preached the

179 Aslvisupama,3 and had thereby led a thousand persons to
conversion, the thera went thence to the Tissarama.

180 But the king, who had heard the preaching, seated himself
at the thera' s feet and asked: 'Does the doctrine of the
Conqueror stand, sir?' "Not yet, O ruler of men, only,

181 O lord of nations, when the boundaries are established4 here
for the uposatha-ceremony and the other acts (of religion),
according to the command of the Conqueror, shall the
doctrine stand.'

182 Thus spoke the great thera, and the king answered thus:
'I will abide under the Buddha's command, thou Giver of

183 light! Therefore establish the boundaries with all speed,
taking in the city/ Thus spoke the great king and the thera

184 answered thus : ' If it be so, then do thou thyself, lord of the
earth, mark out the course of the boundary ; we will establish

185 it/ ' It is well/ said the lord of the earth, and even like the
king of the gods leaving the Nandana5 (garden) he went
forth from the Mahameghavanarama into his palace.

186 When the thera on the fourth day had eaten in the king's
house, he preached, sitting in the Nandana-grove, the Ana-

1 Cf. 15. 25, 28, 31, 33, 37, 45, 47, 55. 2 Of. note to 12. 34.

3 See the note to 12. 26. * Cf. note to 14. 32.

B Nandana or Nanda (see 31. 44) is the name of a pleasure-garden
in Indra's heaven.

xv. 196 The Acceptance of the Mahavihara 111

matagga-discourse,1 and when he had given there a thousand 187
persons to drink of the draught of immortality, the great
thera went to the Mahameghavanarama. But having com- 188
manded in the morning to beat the drum and to adorn the
splendid city and the road leading to the vihara and all around
the vihara, the lord of chariots came upon his car to his arama, 189
adorned with all his ornaments, together with his ministers
and the women of the harem, with chariots, troops and beasts 190
for riders,2 in a mighty train.

When he had here sought out the theras and paid his
respects to these to whom respect was due, he ploughed a 191
furrow in a circle, making it to begin near the ford on the
Kadamba-river, and ended it when he (again) reached the

river.

When he had assigned boundary-marks on the furrow that 192
the king had ploughed and had assigned the boundaries for
thirty-two malakas and for the Thuparama, the great thera 193
of lofty wisdom, then fixed the inner boundary-marks like-
wise according to custom; and thus the ruler (of his senses) 194
did on one and the same day establish all the boundaries.
The great earth quaked when the fixing of the boundaries
was completed.

When on the fifth day the thera had eaten in the king's 195
house he preached, sitting in the Nandana-grove, the Khajja-
nlya-suttanta,4 to a great multitude of people, and when he 196

1 Note to 12. 31.

2 The Tika explains sayoggabalavahano so: ettha yoggam
ti rathasakatadi, balam ti sena, vahane ti hatthiassadi.
Cf. 2.->. 1.

3 On this verse cf. Mah. ed., p. xxxvi. The ford of the Kadamba-
river from which the boundary line starts and to which it returns is
called in the Tika Gangalatittha. Instead of the one verse 191 the
Sinhalese MSS. have, in all, twenty verses which describe how the
king himself guides the plough and in which the different areas
marked off are designated. The passage is a later interpolation,
drawn chiefly from a Slmakatha of the Mahavihara.

4 The Khajjaniyavagga from S. Ill, pp. 81-104. Specially, perhaps,
the Sihasuttanta (XXII. 79) on pp. 86-91.

112 MaMvamsa x v. 1 9 7

had given to drink of the ambrosial draught to a thousand
persons there, he rested (again) in the Mahamegha-grove.

197 When also on the sixth day the thera had eaten in the
king's house he preached, sitting in the Nandana -grove, the

198 Gomayapindl-sutta,1 and after the wise preacher had thus
brought a thousand persons to conversion he rested (again)
in the Mahamegha-grove.

199 When on the seventh day the thera had eaten in the
king's house he preached, sitting in the Nandana-garden, the

200 Dhammacakkappavattana-suttanta,2 and having brought a
thousand persons to conversion he rested (again) in the

201 Mahamegha-grove, when he, the light-giver, had in this
wise brought eight thousand five hundred persons to con-
version in the space of only seven days.

202 The Nandana-grove being the place where the holy one had
made the true doctrine to shine forth, is called the Jotivana.3

203 And in the very first days the king commanded that a pasada
be built for the thera in the Tissarama, and he had the bricks

204 of clay dried speedily with fire. The dwelling-house was
dark-coloured and therefore they named it the Kalapasada-
parivena.4

205 Then did he set up a building for the great Bodhi-tree, the

206 Lohapasada,5 a salaka-house,6 and a seemly refectory. He
built many parivenas in an excellent manner, and bathing-
tanks and buildings for repose, by night and by day, and so

1 I.e. ' the discourse on the clod of cow-dung.' S. Ill, p. 143 foil.

2 Cf. note to 12. 41.

8 I. e. ' Grove of light.'

4 I.e. 'Cell of the black house.' On pasada see note to 27. 14.

5 We have here apparently a tradition according to which the
Lohapasada was built by Devanampiyatissa and not first erected
by Dutthagamani. The Tika explains the passage in this way that
Dutthagamani built his ' House of Bronze * when the old one had
been removed.

6 Food, given as a present to the monastery collectively, is dis-
tributed to the monks by tickets or orders called salaka ('slip' of
wood, bark, &c.). The building where the distribution takes place,
is the salakagga * salaka-house.' GUILDERS, P.D., s. v. salaka.

XV. 214 The Acceptance of the Mahdviham 113

forth. The parivena on the brink of the bathing-tank (which 207
was allotted) to the blameless (thera) is called the Sunhata-
parivena.1 The parivena on the spot where the excellent 208
Light of the Island used to walk up and down is called Dlgha-
cahkamana.2 But the parivena which was built where he had 209
sat sunk in the meditation 3 that brings the highest bliss is called
from this the Phalagga-parivena.4 The (parivena built there) 210
where the thera had seated himself leaning against a support
is called from this the Therapassaya-parivena.5 The (parivena 2 1 1
built) where many hosts of gods had sought him out and sat
at his feet is therefore called the Marugana-parivena.6 The 212
commander of the king's troops, Dlghasandana, built a
little pasada for the thera with eight great pillars. This 213
famed parivena, the home of renowned men,7 is called the
Dlghasandasenapati-parivena.

The wise king, whose name contains the words 'beloved of 214
the gods ', patronizing the great thera Mahinda, of spotless
mind, first built here in Lanka this Mahavihara.8

Here ends the fifteenth chapter, called ' The Acceptance of
the Mahavihara ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

1 I. e. the cell of him who is well-bathed or purified. The naha-
tapapo ' who has washed away the evil ' is Mahinda, as also is the
dipadipo in 208.

2 I. e. the long walk or the long hall for walking. See note to 5. 226.

3 On the eight samapatti, i.e. the states of trance reached by
samadhi ' meditation', see KERN, Manual, p. 57.

4 I. e. cell of the highest reward.

5 I. e. cell of the thera's support.

6 I. e. cell of the hosts of gods.

7 On this allusion to the author of the Mahavamsa, Mahanama, see
GEIGER, Dip. and Mah. (English ed.), p. 41.

8 Mahavihara, 'the great monastery,' is henceforth the name for
the Mahameghavanarama.

CHAPTER XVI

THE ACCEPTANCE OF THE CETIYAPAB-
B AT A- VIHARA

1 GOING into the city for alms and showing favour to the
people (by preaching) ; eating in the king's house and showing

2 favour to the king (by preaching) the thera dwelt twenty-six
days in the Mahamegha-grove. But when, on the thirteenth
day of the bright half of the month Asalha,1 the lofty-souled

3 (thera) had eaten in the great king's house and had preached

4 (to him) the Mahappamada-suttanta,2 he went thence, for
he would fain have a vihara founded on the Cetiya-mountain,3
departing by the east gate (he went) to the Cetiya-mountain.

5 When the king heard that the thera had gone thither he
mounted his car, and taking the two queens with him he

6 followed hard after the thera. When the theras had bathed in
the Nagacatukka-tank 4 they stood in their due order to go

7 up to the mountain-top. Then the king stepped down from the
car and stood there respectfully greeting the theras. ' Where-
fore, O king, art thou come wearied by the heat ? ' they said ;

8 and on the reply : ' Troubled by your departure am I come/
the theras answered : ' We are come to spend the rain -season

9 even here,' and he who was versed in the rules5 (of the

1 See note to 1. 12.

2 I.e. 'Great discourse on vigilance.' There are several suttas in
S., bearing the title appamadasutta. See note to 5. 68.

3 The later name of the Missaka-mountain, given on account of the
many shrines built there. See note to 13. 14.

4 See note to 14. 36

6 Lit. who was versed in the khandhas, i. e. the sections of the vinaya
(CHILDERS, s.v. vinayo). The vassupanayika khandhaka is
Mahavagga III (OLDENBERG, the Vin. Pit. i, p. 137 foil. ; S.B.E. xiii,
p. 298 foil.). During the rainy season the bhikkhus were forbid-
den to travel, but used to live together in a vihara. See KERN,
Manual , p. 80 foil., on the vassavasa.

XVI. 1 8 The Acceptance of the Cetiyapabbata-vihara 115

order), expounded to the king the chapter concerning the
vassa.

When the king's nephew, the chief minister Maharittha, 10
who stood near the king with his fifty-five elder and younger
brothers, heard this, after seeking the king's leave, they ll
received the pabbajja that very day from the thera, and all
these wise men attained to arahantship even in the shaving-
hall.1

When the king, on that same day, had made a beginning 12
with the work of building sixty-eight rock-cells about (the
place where) the Kantaka-cetiya (afterwards stood), he 13
returned to the city ; but the theras remained in that spot,
going at the appointed time, full of compassion (for the people)
to the city to beg alms there.

When the work on the rock-cells was finished, on the full- 14
moon day of the month Asalha, the king came and gave the
vihara to the theras as a consecrated offering.

When the thera, who had passed beyond the boundaries (of 15
evil) had established the boundaries for the thirty-two
malakas 2 and the vihara, then did he on the very same day in
the Tumbaru-malaka, which was marked out as the first of all, 16
confer the upasampada on all those who were weary of the
pabbajja.3 And these sixty-two arahants, taking up their 17
abode during the rain-season all together on the Cetiya-
mountain, showed favour to the king (by their teaching).

And, in that the hosts of gods and men drew near with 18
reverence to him, the leader of the host (of his disciples), and
to his company that had attained to wide renown for virtue,
they heaped up great merit.

Her ends the sixteenth chapter, called ' The Acceptance
of the Cetiyapabbata- vihara ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for
the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 Where, as is the rule at the admission of bhikkhus, their hair was
shaved off. 2 See note to 15. 29.

3 Pabbajjapekkhanam stands for pabbajja-upekkhanam.
Maharittha and his brothers have only received the pabbajja or first
ordination a few days before (see 11), but they already long for the
higher ordination, the upasampada.

' I 2

CHAPTER XVII

THE ARRIVAL OF THE RELICS

1 WHEN the great thera of lofty wisdom, after spending- the
rain-season (thus), had held the pavarana-ceremony,1 on the
full-moon day of the month Kattika,2 he spoke thus to the

2 king : ' Long is the time, O lord of men, since we have seen
the Sambuddha. We lived a life without a master. There is

3 nothing here for us to worship.' And to the question : ' Yet
hast thou not told rne, sir, that the Sambuddha is passed into
nibbana ? ' he answered : ' If we behold the relics we behold the

4 Conqueror.' ' My intention to build a thupa is known to you.

5 I will build the thupa, and do you discover the relics.' The
thera replied to the king : ' Take counsel with Sumana '; and
the king said to the samanera : ' Whence shall we have the

6 relics ? ' ' O lord of men, when thou hast commanded the
adorning of the city and the road and hast taken the uposatha-
vows upon thyself3 together with thy company, go thou, in

7 the evening, mounted on thy state-elephant, bearing the white
parasol and attended by musicians,4 to the Mahanaga-park.

8 There, O king, wilt thou receive relics of him who knew how
to destroy the elements of existence/5 so said the samanera
Sumana to the (king), glad of heart.

1 Pavaretva. On the pavarana-ceremony at the conclusion of
vassa see Mahavagga IV. Vin. Pit., ed. OLDENBERG, i, p. 157 foil. ;
S.B.E. xiii, p. 325 foil.

2 See note to 1. 12.

8 Uposathi is a synonym of uposathika. The uposatha-vows
as kept by laymen consist in ' fasting and abstinence from sensual
pleasures * (see CHILDERS, s.v. uposatho).

4 The Tika explains talavacarasamhito by sabbehi tala-
vacarehi sahito bherimudingadituriyahatthapurisehi pa-
rivarito.

6 A play on the word dhatu, meaning 'element' (see KERN,
Manual, p. 51, n. 2), and dhatu ' relic '.

xvii. 21 The Arrival of the Eelics 117

And now the tliera went forth from the king's house to the 9
Cetiya-mountain and summoned the samanera Sumana, bent
on holy thoughts.1 ( Go, friend Sumana, and when thou art 1 0
come to the fair Pupphapura,2 deliver to the mighty king,, thy
grandfather, this charge from us : " Thy friend, O great king, 1 1
the great king, the friend of the gods/ desires, being converted
to the doctrine of the Buddha, to build a thupa; do thou give 12
him the relics of the Sage and the alms-bowl that the Master
used, for many relics of the (Buddha's) body are with thee."
When thou hast received the alms-bowl full (of relics) go to 13
the fair city of the gods and declare to Sakka, king of the
gods, this charge from us : " The relic, the right eye-tooth of 1 4
the (Buddha), worthy of the adoration of the three worlds, is
with thee, O king of the gods, and the relic of the right
collar-bone. Honour thou the tooth ; the collar-bone of the 1 5
Master do thou give away. Grow not weary of thy duty
toward the isle of Lanka, O lord of the gods ! "

And the samanera of wondrous power, replying: ' So be it, 16
sir,' went, that very moment, to the king Dhammasoka and 17
found him even as he stood at the foot of a sala-tree and
honoured the beautiful and sacred Bodhi-tree with the offerings
of the Kattika-festival.

When he had delivered the thera's charge and had accepted 1 8
the alms-bowl full of relics received from the king he went to
the Himalaya. When, on the Himalaya, he had set down that 1 9
most sacred bowl with the relics, he went to the king of
the gods and delivered the thera's charge.

Sakka^ the lord of the gods, took from the Culamani-cetiya 4 20
the right collar-bone (of the Buddha) and gave it to the
samanera. Thereupon the ascetic Sumana took the relic and 21
the bowl with the relics likewise and returning to the Cetiya-
mountain he handed them to the thera.

1 Play on the name Sumana and su-manogati. Wijesinha
translates the surname ' whose mind was well-disposed to the work
that was to be confided to him '. For the rendering in the Tlka see
Mah. ed., note on this passage.

2 See note to 4. 31.

3 Maruppiya, a synonym of Devanampiya.

4 A sacred shrine supposed to be erected in the heaven of gods.

118 Mahavamsa XVII. 22

22 In the evening the king, at the head of the royal troops,
went to the Mahanaga-park, in the manner (already) told.

23 The thera put all the relics down there on the mountain, and
therefore the Missaka-mountain was called the Cetiya-
mountain.

24 When the thera had put the vessel with the relics on the
Cetiy a- mountain, he took the collar-bone relic and went with
his company of disciples to the appointed place.

25 'If this is a relic of the Sage then shall my parasol bow
down, of itself, my elephant shall sink upon its knees, this

26 relic-urn, coming (toward me) with the relic shall descend
upon my head.' So thought the king, and as he thought so

27 it came to pass. And as if sprinkled with ambrosia the
monarch was full of joy, and taking (the urn) from his head
he set it on the back of the elephant.

28 Then did the elephant trumpet joyfully and the earth
quaked. And the elephant turned about and having entered

29 the fair city by the east gate, together with the theras and
the troops and vehicles, and having left it again by the south

30 gate he went to the building of the Great Sacrifice set up1
to the west of the spot where (afterwards) the cetiya of the
Thuparama 2 was ; and when he had turned around on the place

31 of the Bodhi-tree he remained standing, his head turned toward
the east.

But at that time the place of the thiipa was covered with
flowering kadamba-plants and adari-creepers.3

32 When the god among men had caused this holy place, pro-
tected by the gods, to be cleared and adorned, he began forth-

33 with, in seemly wise, to take the relic down from the

1 Evidently the mahejjaghara mentioned in 10. 90. There, as
here, the Sinhalese MSS. have pabheda instead of mahejja.

2 The thupa of the Thuparama, the erection of which is described
in our passage, is situated near the southern wall of the city in the
Nandana-garden. Cf. note to 1. 82.

3 This creeper is mentioned in the Mahavamsa in five places,
besides the above passage: 19. 73, 33. 85, 35. 104: kadambapup-
phagumba; 25. 48: kadambapupphavalli ; 35. 116: kadam-
bapupphathana. For adari I would refer to the Skt. names of
plants, adara and adaribinibi.

XVTI. 44 The Arrival of the Relics 119

elephant's back. But this the elephant would not suffer, and
the king asked the thera what he wished. And the other 34
answered : ' He would fain have (them) put in a place that is
equal (in height) to his back; therefore will he not suffer
them to be taken down.'

Then with lumps of dry clay that he had commanded to be 35
brought T straightway from the dried Abhaya-tank 2 he raised
a pile even as (high as the elephant), and when the king had 36
caused this high-standing place to be adorned in manifold
ways and had caused the relic to be taken down from the
back of the elephant, he placed it there.

(Then) having entrusted the elephant with the guarding of 37
the relic and having left him there, the king, whose heart was
set on building a thupa for the relic, and who speedily com- 38
manded many people to make bricks, went back with his minis-
ters to the city meditating (to hold) a solemn festival for the
relic. But the great thera Mahinda went with his company of 39
disciples to the beautiful Mahamegha-grove and rested there.

During the night the elephant paced around the place with 40
the relic; through the day he stood with the relic in the
hall on the spot (destined) for the Bodhi-tree. When the 41
monarch, obedient to the thera's wish, had built up 3 the thupa
knee-high above that (brick-)work and had caused the (festival 42
of the) laying down of the relic to be proclaimed in that same
place, he went thither and from this region and that, from
every side a multitude assembled there.

Amid this assembly the relic rose up in the air from the 43
elephant's back, and floating in the air plain to view, at the
height of seven talas, throwing the people into amazement, 44

1 Read anapetva, as in good MSS., instead of anapetva.

2 See note to 10. 84.

3 According to the MSS. ci nape tva should be read, not khana-
petva (TURNOUR). The sense is as follows : The original brickwork,
as described in v. 35, remains standing. Its surface forms the base
for the relic-chamber. Round about and from this the building of
the thupa is continued knee-high (janghamatta) so as to be
finished in the shape of a hemisphere, after the placing of the relic in
the chamber thus formed.

120 Mahavamsa xvii. 45

it wrought that miracle of the double appearances,1 that
caused the hair (of the beholders) to stand on end, even as (did)

45 the Buddha under the Gandamba-tree. By the rays of light
and streams of water pouring down therefrom was the whole
land of Lanka illumined and flooded again and again.

46 When the Conqueror lay stretched upon the couch of the
great nibbana the five great resolutions were formed by him,
who was endowed with the five eyes.2

47 'The south branch of the great Bodhi-tree, grasped by
Asoka, being detached of itself, shall place itself in a vase.

48 When it is so placed the branch, illumining all the regions of
the world, shall put forth lovely rays of six colours from its

49 fruits and leaves. Then, rising up with the golden vase, this
delightful (tree) shall abide invisible for seven days in the

50 region of snow. My right collar-bone, if it be laid in the
Thuparama, shall rise in the air and perform the miracle of

51 the double appearances. If my pure relics, filling a dona-
measure, are laid in the Hemamalika-cetiya, that ornament of

52 Lanka, they shall take the form of the Buddha, and rising and
floating in the air, they shall take their place after having
wrought the miracle of the double appearances.'

53 Thus did the Tathagata form five resolutions and therefore

54 was the miracle then wrought by the relic. Coming down
from the air it rested on the head of the monarch, and full of

55 joy the king laid it in the cetiya. So soon as the relic was
laid in the cetiya a wondrous great earthquake came to pass,

56 causing a thrill (of awe). Thus are the Buddhas incompre-
hensible, and incomprehensible is the nature of the Buddhas,
and incomprehensible is the reward of those who have faith in
the incomprehensible.

1 This yamakam patihariyam is mentioned again 30. 82
(ambamule patihiram) and 31. 99. The reference is to the
miracle performed by the Buddha in Savatthi, to refute the heretical
teachers (cf. Samanta-pasadika, OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. iii, p. 33216).
It consisted in the appearance of phenomena of opposite character
in pairs, as for example, streaming forth of fire and water.
This same miracle was performed by the Buddha repeatedly.
(FAUSBOLL, Jataka, i, p. 7722, 8820.)

2 Cf. note to 3. 1.

xvii. 65 The Arrival of the Eelics 121

When the people saw the miracle they had faith in the 57
Conqueror. But the prince Mattabhaya, the king's younger
brother, who had faith in the King of Sages, begged leave of 58
the king of men and received the pabbajja of the doctrine
with a thousand of his followers.

And from Cetavigama and also from Dvaramandala1 and also 59
from Viharablja, even as from Gallakapltha and from Upatis- 60
sagama,2 from each of these there received gladly the pabbajja
five hundred young men in whom faith in the Tathagata had
been awakened.

So all these who, (coming) from within the city and with- 61
out (the city), had received the pabbajja of the Conqueror's
doctrine now numbered thirty thousand bhikkhus.

When the ruler of the earth had completed the beautiful 62
thupa in the Thuparama he caused it to be worshipped per-
petually with gifts of many jewels and so forth. The women 63
of the royal household, the nobles, ministers, townspeople, and
also all the country-folk brought each their offerings.

And here the king founded a vihara, the thupa of which 64
had been built before ; for that reason this vihara was known
by the name Thuparama.

Thus by these relics of his body the Master of the World, 65
being already passed into nibbana, truly bestowed salvation
and bliss in abundance on mankind. How can there be dis-
course (of this, as it was) when the Conqueror yet lived ?

Here ends the seventeenth chapter, called c The Arrival of
the Relics ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

1 See note to 10. 1. 2 See note to 7. 44.

CHAPTER XVIII
THE RECEIVING OF THE GREAT BODHI-TREE

1 THE monarch remembered the word spoken by the thera,
that he should send for the great Bodhi-tree and the then,

2 and when, on a certain day during the rain-season, he was
sitting- in his own city with the thera and had taken counsel

3 with his ministers he entrusted his own nephew, his minister
named Arittha, with this business.

When he had pondered (on the matter) and had sum-

4 moned him he spoke to him in these words : ' Canst thou per-
chance, my dear, go to Dhammasoka to bring hither the great

5 Bodhi-tree and the therl Samghamitta ? ' ' I can bring them
hither, your majesty, if I be allowed, when I am come back,
to receive the pabbajja, O most exalted ! '

6 ' So be it,' answered the king and sent him thence. When
he had received the command of the thera and the king and

7 had taken his leave he set forth on the second day of the
bright half of the month Assayuja,1 and having embarked,

8 filled with zeal (for his mission) at the haven Jambukola and
having passed over the great ocean he came, by the power of
the thera's will, to the pleasant Pupphapura 2 even on the day
of his departure.

9 The queen Anula, who, with five hundred maidens and five
10 hundred women of the royal harem had accepted the ten

precepts,3 did (meanwhile) pious as she was, (wearing) the

1 See note to 1. 12.

2 See note to 4. 31.

3 Dasasilam. These are the precepts: (1) not to kill any living
being, (2) to refrain from taking the property of others, (3) not to
commit adultery, (4) to avoid lying, (5) to drink no intoxicating drink,
(6) only to take food at certain prescribed hours, (7) to avoid worldly
amusements, (8) to use neither unguents nor ornaments, (9) not to
sleep on a high or decorated bed, (10) not to accept any gold or silver.
There are also frequent references to the five or eight pledges which

XVIIL 22 The Eeceiving of tine Great Bodhi-tree 123

yellow robe, waiting for the pabbajja, in discipline, looking1 for
the coming of the theii, take up her abode, leading a holy life, 1 1
in the pleasant nunnery built by the king in a certain part of
the city. Since the nunnery was inhabited by these lay- 12
sisters it became known in Lanka by the name Upasika-
vihara.1

When the nephew Maharittha had delivered the king's 13
message to the king Dhammasoka he gave him (also) the thera's
message : { The spouse of the brother of thy friend, of the 1 4
king (Devanampiya), O thou elephant among kings, lives,
longing for the pabbajja, constantly in stern discipline. To be- 15
stow on her the pabbajja do thou send the bhikkhum Samgha-
mitta and with her the south branch of the great Bodhi-tree.'

And the same matter, even as the thera had charged him, 16
he told the then ; the then went to her father (Asoka) and
told him the thera's purpose.

The king said : ' How shall I, when I no longer behold thee, 1 7
dear one, master the grief aroused by the parting with son and
grandson ? ' 2

She answered: 'Weighty is the word of my brother, O 18
great king ; many are they that must receive the pabbajja ;
therefore must I depart thither.' 'The great Bodhi-trees 19
must not be injured with a knife, how then can I have a
branch ! ' mused the king. Then when he, following the 20
counsel of his minister Mahadeva, had invited the community
of bhikkhus and had shown them hospitality the monarch
asked : ' Shall the great Bodhi-tree be sent to Lanka, sirs ? ' 21

The thera Moggaliptttta answered: ' It shall be sent thither,'
and he related to the king the five great resolutions that the 22
(Buddha) gifted with the five eyes had formed.3

one may take on oneself. These are the first five or eight respectively
of the above series. For members of the order the third precept is
more rigorous, since sexual intercourse must be avoided altogether.
See note on 1. 62.

1 I. e. ' Vihara of the lay -sisters.'

2 That is, from Mahinda and Sumana, the son of Samghamitta and
Aggibrahma (5. 170 ; 13. 4, &c.).

3 See 17. 46 foil.

124 MaJiavamsa xvill. 23

23 When the ruler of the earth heard this he was glad, and
when he had caused the road, seven yojanas long-, leading to
the great Bodhi-tree to be carefully cleaned he adorned it in

24 manifold ways, and gold he caused to be brought to make ready
a vase. Vissakamma,1 who appeared in the semblance of

25 a goldsmith, asked: ' How large shall I make the vase?'
Then being answered : ' Thyself deciding the size do thou

26 make it/ he took the gold, and having moulded it with his
hand he made a vase in that very moment and departed
thence.

27 When the king had received the beautiful vase measuring
nine cubits 2 around and five cubits in depth and three cubits

28 across, being eight finger-breadths thick, having the upper
edge of the size of a young elephant's trunk, being in radiancy

29 equal to the young (morning) sun; when, with his army of
four divisions 3 stretching to a length of seven yojanas and
a width of three yojanas, and with a great company of

30 bhikkhus, he had gone to the great Bodhi-tree, decked with
manifold ornaments, gleaming with various jewels and gar-

31 landed with many coloured flags;4 when he, moreover, had
ranged his troops about (the tree), bestrewn with manifold
flowers and resounding with many kinds of music and had

32 covered it round with a tent; when in seemly wise he had
surrounded himself and the great Bodhi-tree with a thousand
great theras at the head of a great company (of bhikkhus)
and with more than a thousand princes who had been

33 anointed as king, he gazed up with folded hands at the great
Bodhi-tree.

34 Then from its south bough the branches vanished, leaving
a stump four cubits long.

1 The God of skill; Skt. VUvakarman.

2 See note to 15. 16.

8 Caturangini sena, consisting of foot-soldiers, cavalry, com-
batants in chariots, and elephants.

4 On the world-wide custom of decking out sacred trees with gay
strips of stuff see ANDREE, Ethnogr. Paralhlen und Vergleiche, p. 58
foil. Concerning such a ' Lappenbaum ' on the Terrace of the Ruwan-
waeli-dagaba in Anuradhapura, see GEIUER, Ceylon, p. 181.

xviii. 46 The Eeceiving of the Great Bodhi-tree 125

When the ruler of the earth saw the miracle he cried out, 35
rejoicing : ' I worship the great Bodhi-tree by bestowing
kingship (thereon),' and the monarch consecrated the great 36
Bodhi-tree as king of his great realm. When he had wor-
shipped the great Bodhi-tree with gifts of flowers and so
forth, and had passed round it three times turning to the
left1 and had done reverence to it at eight points2 with 37
folded hands, he had the golden vase placed upon a seat
inlaid with gold, adorned with various gems and easy to 38
mount, reaching to the height of the bough ; and when, in
order to receive the sacred branch, he had mounted upon it,
grasping a pencil of red arsenic with a golden handle he drew 39
(with this) a line about the bough and uttered the solemn
declaration : 3

'So truly as the great Bodhi-tree shall go hence to the 40
isle of Lanka, and so truly as I shall stand unalterably firm
in the doctrine of the Buddha, shall this fair south branch of 41
the great Bodhi-tree, severed of itself, take its place here in
this golden vase/

Then the great Bodhi-tree severed, of itself, at the place 42
where the line was, floating above the vase filled with fragrant
earth. Above the line first (drawn) the ruler of men drew, 43
at (a distance of) three finger-breadths, round about ten
(further) pencil-strokes. And ten strong roots springing from 44
the first and ten slender from each of the other (lines) dropped
down, forming a net.

When the king saw this miracle he uttered even there, 45
greatly gladdened, a cry of joy, and with him his followers
all around and the community of bhikkhus raised, with glad 46

1 Tipadakkhinam katva, i.e. had walked round it in such a
manner that the thing or person worshipped is kept on the right
hand.

2 I.e. at the four cardinal points, E., N., &c., as well as the inter-
mediate points, NE., NW., &c.

3 The conception of the saccakiriya, lit. ' effect of the truth,' is
hardly to be rendered in a translation. Beside the declaration it
includes a wish. The saccakiriya is always given in this form : if
or so truly as such and such is the case shall such and such a thing
come to pass. See CHILDEKS, P. D., s.v.

126 Mahavamsa xvill. 47

hearts, cries of salutation and round about was a thousandfold
waving of stuffs.

47 Thus with a hundred roots the great Bodhi-tree set itself
there in the fragrant earth, converting the people to the

48 faith. Ten cubits long was the stem ; five lovely branches
(were thereon), each four cubits long and (each) adorned with

49 five fruits, and on these branches were a thousand twigs.
Such was the ravishing and auspicious great Bodhi-tree.

50 At the moment that the great Bodhi-tree set itself in the
vase the earth quaked and wonders of many kinds came to

51 pass. By the resounding of the instruments of music (which
gave out sound) of .themselves among gods and men, by the
ringing-out of the shout of salutation from the hosts of devas

52 and brahmas,1 by the crash of the clouds, (the voices) of
beasts and birds, of the yakkhas and so forth and by the crash

53 of the quaking of the earth all was in one tumult. Beautiful 2
rays of six colours going forth from the fruits and leaves of

54 the Bodhi-tree made the whole universe to shine. Then
rising in the air with the vase the great Bodhi-tree stayed
for seven days invisible in the region of the snow.

55 The king came down from his seat and sojourning there
for seven days he continually brought offerings in many ways

56 to the great Bodhi-tree. When the week was gone by all
the snow-clouds and all the rays likewise entered into the

57 great Bodhi-tree, and in the clear atmosphere the glorious
great Bodhi-tree was displayed to the whole people, planted

58 in the golden vase. Whilst wonders of many kinds came to
pass the great Bodhi-tree, plunging mankind into amazement,
descended on the earth.

59 Rejoiced by the many wonders the great king worshipped
again the great Bodhi-tree by (bestowing on it) his great

60 kingdom, and, when he had consecrated the great Bodhi-tree
unto great kingship he abode, worshipping it with divers
offerings, yet another week in that same place.

61 In the bright half of the month Assayuja on the fifteenth
uposatha-day he received the great Bodhi-tree; two weeks

1 I. e. gods of lower and higher rank.

8 Cf. on 53-54 the prophecy in 17. 48, 49.

xvin. 68 The Receiving oftlie Great JBodhi-tree 127

after in the dark half of the month Assayuja on the four- 62
teenth-uposatha day the lord of chariots brought the great
Bodhi-tree, having placed it on a beautiful car on the same 63
day, amid offerings, to his capital ; and when he had built
a beautiful hall (for it) adorned in manifold ways, and there 64
on the first day of the bright half of the month Kattika had
caused the great Bodhi-tree to be placed on the east side of
the foot of a beautiful and great sala-tree, he allotted to it 65
day by day many offerings. But on the seventeenth day
after the receiving (of the tree) new shoots appeared on it all 66
at once ; therefore, rejoicing, the lord of men once more wor-
shipped the great Bodhi-tree by bestowing kingship upon it.
When the great ruler had consecrated the great Bodhi- 67
tree unto kingship he appointed a festival of offerings in
divers forms for the great Bodhi-tree.

So it came to pass that the festival of adoration of the 68
great Bodhi-tree, vivid with gay and lovely flags, great,
brilliant and splendid, in the city of flowers, opened the hearts
of gods and men (to the faith) (even as) in the lake the sun
(opens the lotuses).1

Here ends the eighteenth chapter, called ' The Receiving of
the Great Bodhi-tree', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 The festival of the Bodhi-tree is compared to the sun (saramsa),
the city of flowers, i.e. Pataliputta, to the lake (saras), and the
hearts of gods and men to the lotus-flowers, growing in the lake.

CHAPTER XIX

THE COMING OF THE BODHI-TREE

1 WHEN the lord of chariots had appointed to watch over the
Bodhi-tree eighteen persons1 from royal families and eight

2 from families of ministers, and moreover eight persons from
brahman families and eight from families of traders and
persons from the cowherds likewise, and from the hyena

3 and sparrowhawk-clans,2 (from each one man), and also from
the weavers and potters and from all the handicrafts, from

4 the nagas and the yakkhas; when then the most exalted
prince had given them eight vessels of gold and eight of
silver,3 and had brought the great Bodhi-tree to a ship on the

5 Ganges, and likewise the theri Samghamitta with eleven
bhikkhums, and when he had caused those among whom

6 Arittha was first to embark on that same ship, he fared forth
from the city, and passing over the Vinjha- mountains the
prince arrived, in just one week, at Tamalittl.4

7 The gods also and the nagas and men who were worshipping
the great Bodhi-tree with the most splendid offerings, arrived

8 in just one week. The ruler of the earth, who had caused
the great Bodhi-tree to be placed on the shore of the great

1 In devakula the word deva is evidently to be taken in the
sense of 'king', and merely as a synonym of khattiya. Kula
means here, as below in 30 and 31, the individual belonging to a
class or craft.

2 Taraccha (= Skt. taraksa) 'hyena', and kulinga (=Skt.
kulinga), the name of a bird of prey, the 'fork-tailed shrike', seem
here to designate certain clans or crafts. Perhaps the names have
a totemistic origin. FRAZER, Totemism, p. 3 foil.

3 To water the tree during the journey.

4 The king travels by land over the Vindhya range to the mouth of
the Ganges. Here he again meets the ship carrying the Bodhi-tree
and its escort. On Tamalittl, see note to 11. 38.

xix. 20 The Coming of the Bodhi-tree 129

ocean, worshipped it once more by (bestowing upon it) the
great kingship.

When the wish-fulfiller had consecrated the great Bodhi- 9
tree as a great monarch, he then, on the first day of the
bright half of the month Maggasira,1 commanded that the
same noble persons, eight of each (of the families) appointed 10
at the foot of the great sala-tree to escort 2 the great Bodhi-
tree, should raise up the great Bodhi-tree ; and, descending 1 1
there into the water till it reached his neck, he caused it to
be set down in seemly wise on the ship. When he had 12
brought the great then with the (other) theris on to the
ship he spoke these words to the chief minister Maharittha :
' Three times have I worshipped the great Bodhi-tree by 1 3
(bestowing) kingship (upon it). Even so shall the king my
friend also worship it by (bestowing) kingship (upon it)/

When the great king had spoken thus he stood with folded 14
hands on the shore, and as he gazed after the vanishing great
Bodhi-tree he shed tears. ' Sending forth a net like rays of 15
sunshine the great Bodhi-tree of the (Buddha) gifted with the
ten powers 3 departs, alas ! from hence ! '

Filled with sorrow at parting from the great Bodhi-tree 16
Dhammasoka returned weeping and lamenting to his capital.

The ship, laden with the great Bodhi-tree, fared forth into 17
the sea. A yojana around the waves of the great ocean were
stilled. Lotus-flowers of the five colours blossomed all around 1 8
and manifold instruments of music resounded in the air.

By many devatas many offerings were provided, and the 19
nagas practised their magic to win the great Bodhi-tree.
The great theri Samghamitta, who had reached the last goal 20
of supernormal powers, taking the form of a griffin 4 terrified

1 See note to 1. 12.

2 Uccaretum mahabodhim is dependent on dinnehi. Tho
passage is related directly to 19. 1, Mahabodhirakkhanattham
datvana.

3 Of. note to 3. 6.

4 The supanna (Skt. suparna) or garula (Skt. garuda) are
mythical creatures who are imagined as winged and are always con-
sidered as the sworn foes of the nagas. See GRUNWEDEL, Buddhist.
Kunst in Indien, p. 47 foil,

130 Mahavamsa XIX. 2 1

21 the great snakes. Terrified, the great snakes betook them to
the great theii with entreaties, and when they had escorted
the great Bodhi-tree from thence to the realm of the serpents

22 and had worshipped it for a week by (bestowing on it) the
kingship of the nagas and by manifold offerings they brought

23 it again and set it upon the ship. And on that same day
the great Bodhi-tree arrived here l at Jambukola.

King Devanampiyatissa, thoughtful for the welfare of the

24 world, having heard before from the samanera Sumana of its
arrival, did, from the first day of the month Maggasira on-

25 wards, being always full of zeal, cause the whole of the high-
road from the north gate even to Jambukola to be made

26 ready, awaiting the arrival of the great Bodhi-tree, and
abiding on the sea-shore, in the place where the Samudda-
pannasala 2 (afterwards) was, he, by the wondrous power of
the then, saw the great Bodhi-tree coming.

27 The hall that was built upon that spot to make known this
miracle was known here by the name Samuddapannasala.

28 By the power of the great thera and together with the
(other) theras the king came, with his retinue, on that same
day to Jambukola.3

29 Then, uttering4 an exulting cry moved by joyous agitation
at the coming of the great Bodhi-tree, he, the splendid (king),

30 descended even neck-deep into the water; and when together
with sixteen persons5 (of noble families) he had taken the
great Bodhi-tree upon his head, had lifted it down upon the

1 I.e. in Ceylon.

2 I.e. the sea-hut.

3 In the reading of the text accepted by the Colombo Editors
tadahe va maharaja, the verb is missing from the sentence.
Only the text of the Burmese MSS. tadahe vagama raja yields a
correct construction.

4 Udanayam. By udana is understood an utterance, mostly in
metrical form, inspired by a particularly intense emotion, whether
it be joyous or sorrowful. The udana of Devanampiyatissa in the
circumstances described was according to the Tlka: agato vata re
dasabalassa saramsijalavisajjanako bodhirukkho, an exact
parallel to v. 15.

8 Kulehi. Cf. on this note to 19. 1.

xix. 43 The Coming of the Bodhi-tree 131

shore and caused it to be set in a beautiful pavilion, the king 31
of Lanka worshipped it by (bestowing on it) the kingship
of Lanka. When he had then entrusted his own govern-
ment to the sixteen persons and he himself had taken the 32
duties of a doorkeeper, the lord of men forthwith com-
manded solemn ceremonies of many kinds to be carried out
for three days.

On the tenth day he placed the great Bodhi-tree upon 33
a beautiful car and he, the king of men, accompanying this,
the king of trees, he who had knowledge of the (right) places 34
caused it to be placed on the spot where the Eastern Monastery
(afterwards) was and commanded a morning meal for the
people together with the brotherhood. Here the great thera 35
Mahinda related fully to the king the subduing of the nagas1
which had been achieved by the (Buddha) gifted with the
ten powers.

When the monarch heard this from the thera he caused 36
monuments to be raised here and there in such places as had
been frequented by the Master by resting there or in other
ways. And, moreover, when he had caused the great Bodhi- 37
tree to be set down at the entrance to the village of the
brahman Tivakka and in this and that place besides, he,
(escorting it) on the road, sprinkled with white eand, bestrewn 38
with various flowers, and adorned with planted pennons and
festoons of blossoms, bringing thereto offerings unweariedly, 39
day and night, brought the great Bodhi-tree on the fourteenth
day to the neighbourhood of the city of Anuradhapura, and 40
after, at the time when the shadows increase, he had entered
the city worthily adorned by the north gate amid offerings,
and (when he then), leaving the city again by the south gate, 41
had entered the Mahameghavanarama consecrated by four
Buddhas,2 and here had brought (the tree) to the spot worthily 42
prepared by Sumana's command, to the lovely place where
the former Bodhi-trees had stood, he, with those sixteen noble 43

1 The reference is to the second visit of the Buddha to Ceylon, and
the events related in Mah. I. 44-70.

2 The comma after pavesiya in Mah. ed. v. 41b should be struck
out and placed after catubuddhanisevitam.

K 2

132 Maliavamsa xix. 44

persons, who were wearing- royal ornaments, lifted down the
great Bodhi-tree and loosed his hold to set it down.

44 Hardly had he let it leave his hands but it rose up eighty
cubits into the air, and floating thus it sent forth glorious

45 rays of six colours. Spreading over the island, reaching to

46 the Brahma- world, these lovely rays lasted till sunset. Ten
thousand persons, who were filled with faith by reason of
this miracle, gaining the spiritual insight and attaining to
arahantship, received here the pabbajja.

47 When the great Bodhi-tree at sunset was come down from
(its place in the air) it stood firm on the earth under the

48 constellation Rohim. Then did the earth quake. The roots
growing over the brim of the vase struck down into the earth,

49 closing in the vase. When the great Bodhi-tree had taken
its place all the people who had come together from (the
country) round, worshipped it with offerings of perfumes,

50 flowers and so forth. A tremendous cloud poured forth rain,
and cool and dense mists from the snow-region surrounded

51 the great Bodhi-tree on every side. Seven days did the
great Bodhi-tree abide there, awaking faith among the people

52 invisible in the region of the snow. At the end of the week
all the clouds vanished and the great Bodhi-tree became
visible and the rays of six colours.

53 The great thera Mahinda and the bhikkhun! Samghamitta
went thither with their following and the king also with his

54 following. The nobles of Kajaragama1 and the nobles of
Candanagama and the Brahman Tivakka and the people too

55 who dwelt in the island came thither also by the power of the
gods, (with minds) eagerly set upon a festival of the great
Bodhi-tree. Amid this great assembly, plunged into amaze-

56 ment by this miracle, there grew out of the east branch, even
as they gazed, a faultless fruit.

This having fallen off the thera took it up and gave it

57 to the king to plant. In a golden vase filled with earth
mingled with perfumes, placed on the spot where the

1 Now Kataragama on the Menik-ganga, about ten miles north
of Tissamaharama in the province of Rohana. See PARKER, Ancient
Ceylon, p. 114 foil.

xix. 68 The Coming of the Bodhi-tree 133

Mahaasana (afterwards) was, the ruler planted it. And while 58
they all yet gazed, there grew, springing from it, eight
shoots ; and they stood there, young Bodhi-trees four cubits
high.

When the king saw the young Bodhi-trees he, with senses 59
all amazed, worshipped them by the gift of a white parasol l
and bestowed royal consecration on them.

Of the eight Bodhi-saplings one was planted at the landing- 60
place Jambukola on the spot where the great Bodhi-tree had
stood, after leaving the ship, one in the village of the 61
Brahman Tivakka, one moreover in the Thuparama, one in
the Issarasamanarama,2 one in the Court of the First thupa,3
one in the arama of the Cetiya-mountain, one in Kajara- 62
gama and one in Candanagama. But the other thirty-two 63
Bodhi-saplings which sprang4 from four (later) fruits (were
planted) in a circle, at a distance of a yojana, here and there
in the viharas.

When thus, for the salvation of the people dwelling in the 64
island, by the majesty of the Sammasambuddha, the king of
trees, the great Bodhi-tree was planted, Anula with her 65
following having received the pabbajja from the then Sam-
ghamitta, attained to arahantship. The prince Arittha also, 66
with a retinue of five hundred men, having received the
pabbajja from the thera, attained to arahantship. The eight 67
(persons from the) merchant-guilds who had brought the
great Bodhi-tree hither were named therefrom the ' Guild of
the Bodhi-bearers '.

In the nunnery, which is known as the Upasikavihara 5 68

1 Setacchatta, as symbol of royal rank.

2 According to the Rasavahim (ed. Saranatissatthera, Colombo, 1901,
1899), ii. 8832, situated on the dam of the Tissavapi, now Issurumu-
nagala, about a mile south of the Mahavihara in Anuradhapura.

3 Pathamacetiya. See note to 14. 45.

4 This is to be taken as meaning that on four other branches of
the tree the same miracle was accomplished as already described.
Thus the Tika also says: pacinasakhato avasesasu ca catusu
sakhasu gahitehi itarehi pakkaphalehi jata, sambhuta
uppanna ti attho.

6 Cf. 18. 12.

134 Mahavamsa XIX . 6 9

the great then Samghamitta dwelt with her company (of

69 nuns). She caused twelve buildings to be erected there, of
which three buildings were important before others ; in one

70 of these great buildings she caused the mast of the ship that
had come with the great Bodhi-tree to be set up, in one the
rudder, and in one the helm,1 from these they were named.

71 Also when other sects2 arose these twelve buildings were
always used by the Hatthalhaka-bhikkhums.

72 The king's state- elephant that was used to wander about at

73 will3 liked to stay on one side of the city in a cool grotto, on
the border of a Kadamba-flower-thicket, when he went to feed.
Since they knew that this place was pleasing to the elephant

74 they put up a post4 in the same spot. One day the elephant
would not take the fodder (offered to him) and the king
questioned the thera who had converted the island as to the

75 reason. ' The elephant would fain have a thupa built in the

76 Kadamba-flower-thicket/ the great thera told the great king.
Swiftly did the king, who was ever intent on the welfare of
his people, build a thupa, with a relic, in that very place and
a house for the thupa.5

77 The great then Samghamitta, who longed for a quiet
dwelling-place, because of the too great crowding of the

78 vihara where she dwelt, she who was mindful for the progress
of the doctrine and the good of the bhikkhums, the wise one

79 who desired another abode for the bhikkhums went (once) to
the fair cetiya-house, pleasant by its remoteness, and there she

1 Kupayatthi, piya, aritta. According to the Tika the three
agarani bore the names Culaganagara, Mahaganagara and Siriva-
ddhagara. They were afterwards designated Kupayatthithapitaghara
(Piyathapitaghara, Arittathapitaghara), ' House where the mast and
so forth is set up.'

2 The Tika names as an example the sect of the Dhammarucikas.
Cf. 5. 13.'

8 The episode is to explain how the dwellers in the Upasikavihara
came by the name Hatthalhaka (i.e. 'elephant-post-nuns1), men-
tioned by the poet in v. 71.

4 Alhaka, to tether the elephant during the night.

6 Thupassa gharam, thupagharam, or cetiyagharam, as in
v. 79, 82. See Appendix, s.v. thupa.

xix. 85 The Coming of 'the Bodhi-tree 135

the skilled (in choice) of dwelling-places, the blameless, stayed
the day through.

When the king came to the convent for bhikkhunls to 80
salute the then, he, hearing that she had gone thither, went
also and when he had greeted her there and talked with her gl
and had heard the wish that was the cause of her going
thither, then did he, who was skilled in (perceiving) the
desires (of others), the wise, the great monarch Devanampiya- 82
tissa, order to be erected a pleasing convent for the bhik-
khunls round about the thupa-house. Since the convent for 83
the bhikkhunls was built near to the elephant-post therefore
was it known by the name Hatthalhaka-vihara.

The well-beloved, the great therl Samghamitta of lofty 34
wisdom now took up her abode in this pleasing convent for
bhikkhunls.

Bringing about in such wise the good of the dwellers in 85
Lanka, the progress of the doctrine, the king of trees, the
great Bodhi-tree, lasted long time on the island of Lanka,
in the pleasant Mahamegha-grove, endowed with many
wondrous powers.

Here ends the nineteenth chapter, called e The Coming of
the Bodhi-tree', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

CHAPTEE XX

THE NIBBANA OF THE THERA

1 IN the eighteenth year (of the reign) of king Dhammasoka,
the great Bodhi-tree was planted in the Mahameghavanarama.

2 In the twelfth year afterwards died the dear consort of the
king, Asamdhimitta, the faithful (believer) in the Sambuddha.

3 In the fourth year after this the ruler of the earth Dhamma-
soka raised the treacherous Tissarakkha to the rank of queen.

4 In the third year thereafter this fool, in the pride of her
beauty, with the thought : c Forsooth, the king worships

5 the great Bodhi-tree to my cost ! ' drawn into the power of
hate and working her own harm, caused the great Bodhi-tree

6 to perish by means of a mandu- thorn.1 In the fourth year
after did Dhammasoka of high renown fall into the power of
mortality. These make up thirty-seven years.

7 But when king Devanampiyatissa, whose delight was in
the blessing of the true doctrine, had brought to completion

8 in seemly wise his undertakings in the Mahavihara, on the
Cetiya-mountain and also in the Thuparama, he asked this
question of the thera who had converted the island, who was

9 skilled in (answering) questions : 'Sir, I would fain found
many viharas here; whence shall I get me the relics to place
in the thupas ? '

1 0 ' There are the relics brought hither by Sumana, with which
he filled the bowl of the Sambuddha and which were placed

1 1 here on the Cetiya-mountain, O king. Have these relics placed
on the back of an elephant and brought hither/ Thus addressed

12 by the thera he brought thus the relics hither. Founding
viharas a yojana distant from one another he caused the relics

1 In the Dadhivahana-jataka (FAUSBOLL, Jcitaka, ii, p. 1051) is
related how the kernel of a mango-fruit is deprived of its germinating
power by being pierced with a mandu-thorn.

MAP OF ANURADHAPURA

Manisomarama

Kolambahalaka

Abhayagiri-vihara
Jetavana-Dag.

iern IVa//

nSilasqbbhakandaka

Lafikarama-Ddg.

Maricavattivihara
Mirisw&ti-Dag.

Issarasamana

vihara

^uthern W*«
OThuparama

or
vana

Mahathur.

Rutvanwceli-Dag

0 ^a-
dLohapasada

hMahavihara
^ Sacred Bodhi t
vana

ODakkhina-vih
f/jro TbmA

Ancient Names= Mahathupa
Modern Names = Ruwan woeli

XX. 22 The Nibbana of the Them 137

to be placed there in the thupas, in due order. But the bowl 13
that the Sambuddha had used the king kept in his beautiful
palace and worshipped continually with manifold offerings.

The (vihara that was built) in the place where the five 14
hundred nobles dwelt when they had received the pabbajja
from the great thera,1 was (named) Issarasamanaka.2 That 15
(vihara that was built) where five hundred vessas3 dwelt,
when they had received the pabbajja from the great thera,
was (called) in like manner Vessagiri. But as for the grotto 16
inhabited by the great thera Mahinda, in the vihara built
upon the mountain,4 it was called the ' Mahinda-grotto '.

First the Mahavihara,5 then the (monastery) named Cetiya- 17
vihara, third the beautiful Thuparama,6 which the thupa
(itself) preceded, fourth the planting of the great Bodhi-tree, 18
then fifth the (setting up) in seemly wise (of the) beautiful
stone pillar which was intended to point to the place of the
thupa, on the place where the Great cetiya (afterwards) was, 19
and also the enshrining of the Sambuddha's collar-bone
relic,7 sixth the Issarasamana (vihara), seventh the Tissa- 20
tank, eighth the Pathamathupa,8 ninth the (vihara) called
Vessa(giri), then that pleasant (nunnery) which was known 21
as the Upasika(vihara) and the (vihara) called the Hatthal-
haka, those two convents as goodly dwellings for the bhik-
khums; and (furthermore) for the accepting of food by the 22

1 Cf. for this, 19. 66. 2 See note to 19. 61.

3 I.e. people of the third caste (Skt. vaisya). The Vessagiri-vihara
is situated near Anuradhapura, south of Issarasamanaka- vihara, Arch.
Surv. of Ceylon, Annual Rep. 1906 (xx. 1910), pp. 8-10; E. MULLER,
Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, pp. 32, 33 ; WICKREMASINGHE, Epi-
grapTiia Zeylanica, i, p. 10 foil.

4 I. e. in Cetiyapabbata-vihara on Mihintale. I would now prefer to
take the words sapabbate vihare ('in the monastery, which, or
the name of which was connected with the mountain ') as belonging
to the relative clause y a ya &c., and to place the comma here instead
of after guha.

5 Cf. note to 15. 214.

6 See 17. 62-64.

7 On this passage cf. Mah. ed., pp. xxix, xxx. On the givadhatu
see 1. 37 foil., on the silayupa 15. 173.

8 See note on 14. 45.

138 Maliavamsa XX. 23

brotherhood of bhikkhus when they were visiting- the dwell-

23 ing of the bhikkhums (called) Hatthalhaka(vihara),1 the
refectory called Mahapali, easy of approach, beautiful, stored

24 with all provisions and provided with service ; then lavish
gifts, consisting of the needful utensils for a thousand
bhikkhus, (which things he gave) on the pavarana-day, every

25 year; in Nagadipa the Jambukolavihara at this landing

26 place,2 the Tissamahavihara 3 and the Pacmarama4: these
works, caring for the salvation of the people of Lanka,
Devanampiyatissa, king of Lafika, rich in merit and insight,

27 caused to be carried out, even in his first year, as a friend to
virtue, and his whole life through he heaped up works of

28 merit. Our island flourished under the lordship of this king;
forty years did he hold sway as king.

29 After his death, his younger brother since there was no
son, the prince known by the name UTTIYA, held sway piously

30 as king. But the great thera, Mahinda, who had taught the
peerless doctrine of the Master, the sacred writings, the

31 precepts of righteousness and the higher perfection,6 full

1 The instrumental bhikkhusamghena belongs to the verbal
noun gahanam. Subordinate to this noun are the parallel gerunds
osaritva and gantvana, the last being almost a pleonasm. On
this subject the Tika remarks that at that time the monks in order to
receive food went in order of seniority to the Hatthalhaka-convent.
The new hall was built by Devanampiyatissa for this purpose, i. e. as
refectory for the bhikkhus, separate from the nunnery.

2 On Nagadipa (note to 1. 47) as the name of a district of Ceylon
see 35. 124; 36. 9. On Jambukola, 11. 23, 38; 18. 7, &c.

3 In south Ceylon, situated NE. of Hambantota.

* I.e. ' East Monastery in Anuradhapura.' Cf. 19. 34.

8 Pariyattim patipattim pativedham ca. According to
the Tika pariyatti is a synonym of tipitaka, while patipatti
represents the contents of the doctrines of the sacred scripture,
namely, the way leading to deliverance as pointed out by the
precepts of morality (Tika: pariyattisasanassa atthabhuto sila-
dikhandhattayasahito nibbanagamirnaggo). By pa^ivedha
(literally ' attainment ') are meant the nine transcendental conditions
(the lokuttaradhamma) which result from the observance of the
patipatti (Tika: patipattisasanassa phalabhuto navavidha-
lokuttaradhammo). Those nine conditions of perfection are the

XX. 42 The Nilbdna of the Them 1 39

excellently in the island of Lanka, (Mahinda) the light of
Lanka, the teacher of many disciples, he who, like unto the
Master, had wrought great blessing for the people, did, in 32
the eighth year of king Uttiya, while he, being sixty years
old,1 was spending the rain season on the Cetiya- mountain,
pass, victorious over his senses, into nibbana, on the eighth 33
day of the bright half of the month Assayuja. Therefore
this day received his name.

When king Uttiya heard this he went thither, stricken by 34
the dart of sorrow, and when he had paid homage to the
thera and oft and greatly had lamented (over him) he caused the 35
dead body of the thera to be laid forthwith in a golden chest
sprinkled with fragrant oil, and the well closed2 chest to be 36
laid upon a golden, adorned bier ; and when he had caused it
then to be lifted upon the bier, commanding solemn cere-
monies, he caused it to be escorted by a great multitude of 37
people,3 that had come together from this place and that, and
by a great levy of troops; commanding due offerings (he 38
caused it to be escorted) on the adorned street to the variously
adorned capital and brought through the city in procession by
the royal highway to the Mahavihara. 39

When the monarch had caused the bier to be placed here
for a week in the Panhambamalaka — with triumphal arches, 40
pennons, and flowers, and with vases filled with perfumes the
vihara was adorned and a circle of three yojanas around, by 41
the king's decree, but the whole island was adorned in like
manner by the decree of the devas — and when the monarch 42
had commanded divers offerings throughout the week he built

four magga 'paths' or stages of holiness, with the corresponding
four phalani ' results, effects ', besides nibbana as the ninth. It is,
therefore, said that Mahinda had proclaimed the Buddha's doctrine
and the holiness resulting therefrom.

1 Reckoned from upasampada-ordination onwards. Notice the
play on words in vassam satthivasso vasam vasl.

2 Sadhu phussitam. Cf. Jat. vi. 51 010 : nivase phussi-
taggale 'in a safe-bolted dwelling '.

3 I refer janoghena and baloghena to anayitvana in 38 c,
not to karento pujanavidhim. This should rather stand quite
independently, as does karento sadhukllanam in 36 d.

140 Mahavamsa XX. 43

up, turned toward the east in the Theranambandhamalaka,

43 a funeral pyre of sweet smelling wood, leaving the (place of
the later) Great thupa on the right, and when he had brought

44 the beautiful bier thither and caused it to be set upon the
pyre he carried out the rites of the dead.1

And here did he build a cetiya when he had caused the

45 relics to be gathered together. Taking the half of the relics
the monarch caused thupas to be built on the Cetiya-mountain

46 and in all the viharas. The place where the burial of this
sage's body had taken place is called, to do him honour,
Isibhumahgana.2

47 From that time onwards they used to bring the dead
bodies of holy men from three yojanas around to this spot
and there to burn them.

48 When the great then Samghamitta, gifted with the great
supernormal powers and with great wisdom had fulfilled the
duties of the doctrine and had brought much blessing to the

49 people, she, being fifty-nine years old, in the ninth year of
this same king Uttiya, while she dwelt in the peaceful

50 Hatthalhaka-convent, passed into nibbana. And for her also,
as for the thera, the king commanded supreme honours of

5 1 burial a week through, and the whole of Lanka was adorned
as for the thera.

The body of the then laid upon a bier did he cause to be

52 brought when the week was gone by, out of the city; and to
the east of the Thuparama, near the Cittasala3 (of later

53 times) in sight of the great Bodhi-tree, on the spot pointed
out by the then (herself), he caused the burning to take
place. And the most wise Uttiya also had a thupa built
there.

54 The five great theras also,4 and those theras too of whom
Arittha was the leader, and many thousand bhikkhus who

55 were freed from the asavas, and also the twelve theris among
whom Samghamitta stood highest, and many thousand bhik-

1 Sakkaram antimam 'the last honours'.

2 I.e. 'Courtyard of the sage.' 8 I.e. ' Many-coloured hall.'

4 Those who had come to Ceylon with Mahinda. For the following
cf. 19. 66 and 19. 5.

xx. 58 The Nibbana of the Them 141

khums who were freed from the asavas, who, endowed with 56
great learning- and deep insight had expounded the holy
scripture of the Conqueror, the vinaya and the rest, fell, in
time, into the power of mortality.

Ten years did king Uttiya reign; thus is mortality the 57
destroyer of the whole world.

A man who, although he knows this overmastering, over- 58
whelming, irresistible mortality, yet is not discontented with
the world of existence and does not feel, in this discontent,
resentment at wrong nor joy in virtue — that is the strength
of the fetters of his evil delusion ! — such an one is knowingly
fooled.1

Here ends the twentieth chapter, called ( The Nibbana of
the Thera ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

1 Wijesinha gives a wrong sense to the clause in taking it as a
question. The verbs nibbindate and kurute belong to the rela-
tive sentence. The governing clause is janam pi (so) sammuyhati.
The words t asses a atimohajalabalata are only intelligible as a
parenthesis.

CHAPTER XXI

THE FIVE KINGS

1 UTTIYA'S younger brother, MAHASIVA, reigned after his

2 death ten years, protecting the pious. Being devoted to the
thera Bhaddasala, he huilt the noble vihara, Nagarahgana, in
the eastern quarter (of the city).

3 Mahasiva's younger brother, SURATISSA, reigned after his

4 death ten years, zealously mindful of meritorious works. In
the southern quarter (of the city) he founded 1 the Nagarah-
gana-vihara, in the eastern quarter the vihara (called) Hat-

5 thikkhandha and the Gonnagirika(vihara) ; on the Vangut-
tara -mountain the (vihara) named Pacinapabbata and near

6 Raheraka the (vihara) Kolambahalaka ; 2 at the foot of
the Arittha(mountain) the Makulaka(vihara), to the east 3
the Acchagallaka(vihara), but the Girinelavahanaka(vihara)

7 to the north of Kandanagara; these and other pleasing
viharas, in number five hundred, did the lord of the earth
build on this and the further bank of the river,4 here and

8 there in the island of Lanka, before and while he reigned,
during the period of sixty years, piously and justly,5 devoted

9 to the three gems.6 Suvannapindatissa was his name before
his reign, but he was named Suratissa after the beginning
of the reign.

10 Two Damilas, SENA and GUTTAKA, sons of a freighter who

1 The verb on which the accusatives in v. 4 foil, depend is kare si in 8.

2 See note to 25. 80.

3 According to the Tika to the east of Anuradhapura near
Dahegallaka.

4 I. e. the Mahawseliganga.

6 Sadhukam, i.e. according to pious aims, dhammena without
oppressing the people.
« See notes to 1. 62; 12.28.

xxi. 20 The Five Kings 143

brought horses hither/ conquered the king Suratissa, at the 11
head of a great army and reigned both (together) twenty-two 2
years justly. But when ASELA had overpowered them, the
son of Mutasiva, the ninth among his brothers, born of the 12
same mother,3 he ruled for ten years onward from that time
in Anuradhapura.

A Damila of noble descent, named ELARA, who came hither 1 3
from the Cola-country 4 to seize on the kingdom, ruled when
he had overpowered king Asela, forty-four years, with even 14
justice toward friend and foe, on occasions of disputes
at law.

At the head of his bed he had a bell hung up with a long 15
rope so that those who desired a judgement at law mig-ht
ring it. The king had only one son and one daughter. 16
When once the son of the ruler was going in a car to the
Tissa-tank, he killed unintentionally a young calf lying on 17
the road with the mother cow, by driving the wheel over its
neck. The cow came and dragged at the bell in bitterness 18
of heart ; 5 and the king caused his son's head to be severed
(from his body) with that same wheel.

A snake had devoured the young of a bird upon a palm- 19
tree. The hen-bird, mother of the young one, came and
rang the bell. The king caused the snake to be brought to 20
him, and when its body had been cut open and the young
bird taken out of it he caused it to be hung up upon the
tree.

1 This is perhaps the meaning of assanavika (lit. 'horse-seafarer*).
The Sinh. Thupavamsa has as-nceviyakuge putvu; the Pujavaliya :
Lak-diva-ta asun gena asvacari-de-bae-kenek; the Rajavaliya:
Lak-diva-ta asun gena asuru-de-bie-kenek.

2 Following the reading duve dvavisavassani. See the Intro-
duction, § 8.

3 Asela's eight brothers are enumerated in the Tika. They are
named Abhaya, Devanampiyatissa, Uttiya, Mahasiva, Mahanaga,
Mattabhaya, Suratissa, and Kira.

4 Southern India.

5 Lit. 'With embittered heart.' Note the play on words in
ghattesi ghattitasaya. The Tika paraphrases the last word:
puttasokena kupitacitta.

144 Mahavamsa xxi. 2 1

21 When the king, who was a protector of tradition, albeit
he knew not the peerless virtues of the most precious of the

22 three gems,1 was going (once) to the Cetiya-mountain to
invite the brotherhood of bhikkhus, he caused, as he arrived

23 upon a car, with the point of the yoke on the waggon, an
injury to the thupa of the Conqueror at a (certain) spot. The
ministers said to him : ' King, the thupa has been injured by

24 thee/ Though this had come to pass without his intending
it, yet the king leaped from his car and flung himself down
upon the road with the words : ' Sever my head also (from

25 the trunk) with the wheel/ They answered him : ' Injury to
another does our Master in no wise allow ; make thy peace

26 (with the bhikkhus) by restoring the thupa ' • and in order to
place (anew) the fifteen stones that had been broken off he
spent just fifteen thousand kahapanas.2

27 An old woman had spread out some rice to dry it in the
sun. The heavens, pouring down rain at an unwonted season,

28 made her rice damp. She took the rice and went and dragged
at the bell. When he heard about the rain at an unwonted

29 season he dismissed the woman, and in order to decide her
cause he underwent a fast, thinking : ' A king who observes

30 justice surely obtains rain in due season.' The guardian
genius who received offerings from him, overpowered by the
fiery heat of (the penances of) the king, went and told the

31 four great kings3 of this (matter). They took him with
them and went and told Sakka. Sakka summoned Paj junna 4

32 and charged him (to send) rain in due season. The guardian
genius who received his offerings told the king. From thence-
forth the heavens rained no more during the day throughout

33 his realm ; only by night did the heavens give rain once every

1 Cf. the note to 21. 8. By ratanaggassa is meant the Buddha,
with whom the doctrine of the ratanattaya originates.

2 Cf. note to 4. 13.

3 These are the four guardians of the world, the lokapala who
usually appear near Indra in the brahmanic pantheon : Dhatarattha,
Virulhaka, Virupakkha, and Vessavana, rulers, in the above order, of
the east, south, west, and north.

4 Skt. Parjanya, the god of rain.

xxi. 34 Tlie, Five Kings 145

week, in the middle watch of the night ; and even the little
cisterns everywhere were full (of water).

Only because he freed himself from the guilt of walking 34
in the path of evil did this (monarch), though he had not
put aside false beliefs, gain such miraculous power; how
should not then an understanding man, established in pure
belief, renounce here the guilt of walking in the path of
evil ?

Here ends the twenty-first chapter, called ' The Five Kings',
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

CHAPTEE XXII

THE BIRTH OF PRINCE GAMANI

1 WHEN he had slain Elara, DUTTHAGAMANI became king.
To show clearly how this came to pass the story in due order
(of events) is this l :

2 King Devanampiyatissa's second brother, the vice-regent

3 named Mahanaga, was dear to his brother. The king's consort,
that foolish woman, coveted the kingship for her own son and

4 ever nursed the wish to slay the vice-regent, and while he
was making the tank called Taraccha she sent him a mango-
fruit which she had poisoned and laid uppermost among

5 (other) mango-fruits. Her little son who had gone with the
vice-regent, ate the mango-fruit, when the dish was un-

6 covered, and died therefrom. Upon this the vice-regent, with
his wives, men and horses, went, to save his life, to Rohana.2

7 In the Yatthalaya-vihara 3 his wife, who was with child,

8 bore a son. He gave him his brother's name.4 Afterwards
he came to Rohana and as ruler over the whole of Rohana the

9 wealthy prince reigned in Mahagama.5 He founded the

1 On the insertion of the Dutthagamani epic see Dip. and Mah.,
p. 20 (English ed.). In the Nidanakatha (Jat. i. 503) the story of
the dream of Maya before the birth of the Buddha is inserted with
almost the same introducing words. See WINDISCH, Buddha's Geburt
und die Lehre von der Seelemcanderung, p. 156.

2 The south and south-east part of the island.

3 There is certainly better authority for the form Y at thai ay a.
However Y at thai ay a gives an appropriate meaning to the name:
'dwelling or temple of the sacrificer'. (Skt. yastar, p. yatthar and
Skt. P. alaya.) Tradition seems to identify the monastery with the
Yatagala-vihara to the NE. of Point de Galle. The Ceylon National
Review, iii, p. 110.

4 He was named (after his birthplace and Devanampiyatissa) Yattha-
layakatissa.

6 NE. of Hambantota near the place where the ruins of the

xxir. 22 The Birth of Prince Gamani 147

Nagamahavihara l that bore his name ; he founded also many
(other) vih&raSj as the Uddhakandaraka (vihara) and so forth.

His son Yatthalayakatissa reigned after his death in that 10
same place, and in like manner also Abhaya, son of this
(last).

Gothabhaya's son, known by the name Kakavannatissa, 11
the prince, reigned there after his death. Viharadevi was 12
the consort of this believing king, firm in the faith (was she),
the daughter of the king of Kalyam.2

Now in Kalyam the ruler was the king named Tissa. His 13
younger brother named Ayya-Uttika, who had roused the
wrath (of Tissa) in that he was the guilty lover of the queen,
fled thence from fear and took up his abode elsewhere. The 14
district was named after him. He sent a man wearing the 15
disguise of a bhikkhu, with a secret letter to the queen. This
man went thither, took his stand at the king's door and 16
entered the king's house with an arahant who always used to
take his meal at the palace, unnoticed by that thera. When 17
he had eaten in company with the thera, as the king was
going forth,3 he let the letter fall to the ground when the
queen was looking.

The king turned at the (rustling) sound, and when he 18
looked down and discovered the written message he raged,
unthinking, against the thera, and in his fury he caused the 1 9
thera and the man to be slain and thrown into the sea.
Wroth at this the sea-gods made the sea overflow the land; 20
but the king with all speed caused his pious and beautiful
daughter named Devi to be placed in a golden vessel, whereon 2 1
was written 'a king's daughter', and to be launched upon
that same sea. When she had landed near to (the) Lanka 22

Tissamaharama lie on the left bank of the Magama-river. The village
ut the mouth of the river still bears the name Magama.

1 The Mahanaga-dagaba still exists in the ruins of Mahagama.
See PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 324.
* See note to i. 63.

.* Or 'as she (i.e. the queen) was going forth with the king\
accoiding to the reading ranna saha viniggame of the Burmese
MSS. ; the Tika seems also to agree with this.

148 Maliavamsa XXII. 23

(vihara) the king Kakavanna consecrated her as queen.
Therefore she received the epithet Vihara.

23 When he had founded the Tissamaha vihara l and the Citta-
lapabbata (vihara) 2 and also the Gamitthavali and Kutali

24 (vihara) and so forth, devoutly believing in the three gems,
he provided the brotherhood continually with the four needful
things.3

25 In the monastery named Kotapabbata there lived at that
time a samanera, pious in his way of life, who was ever busied
with various works of merit.

26 To mount the more easily to the courtyard of the Akasa-

27 cetiya4 he fixed three slabs of stone as steps. He gave (the
bhikkhus) to drink and did services to the brotherhood. Since
his body was continually wearied a grievous sickness came

28 upon him. The grateful bhikkhus, who brought him in
a litter, tended him at the Tissarama, in the Silapassaya-
parivena.

29 Always when the self-controlled Viharadevi had given
lavish gifts to the brotherhood in the beautifully prepared

30 royal palace, before the mid-day meal, she was used to take,
after the meal, sweet perfumes, flowers, medicines and clothing
and go to the arama and offer these (to the bhikkhus) according
to their dignity.

31 Now doing thus, at that time, she took her seat near the
chief thera of the community (in the vihara) and when ex-

32 pounding the true doctrine the thera spoke thus to her : ' Thy

1 Cf. above the note to v. 8.

2 The ruins of the Cittalapabbata, or, in the later form, Situlpaw-
vihara lie 15 miles NE. of the Tissamaharama near Katagamuwa.
See A. JAYAWARDANA in The Ceylon National Review, ii, p. 23 ; ED.
MULLER, Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, p. 29. The monastery is
mentioned once again in 35. 81, and in the Culavamsa 45. 59 under
king Dathopatissa II, the first half of the seventh century A.D.

8 See note to 3. 14.

4 I.e. the ' Air-cetiya ', which is still shown, not far from the
Cittalapabbata-monasteiy. It is so named because it is situated on
the summit of a rock. Cf. Ceylon National Review, ii; p. 24. See
also note to 33. 68.

XXIT. 44 The Birth of Prince Gdmani 149

great happiness thou hast attained by works of merit ; even
now must thou not grow weary of performing works of
merit.' But she, being thus exhorted, replied : 'What is our 33
happiness here, since we have no children ? Lo, our happiness
is therefore barren ! '

The thera, who, being gifted with the six (supernormal) 34
powers, foresaw that she would have children, said : ' Seek
out the sick samanera, O queen.' She went thence and said 35
to the samanera, who was near unto death : ' Utter the wish
to become my son ; for that would be great happiness for us.'
And when she perceived that he would not the keen-witted 36
woman commanded, to this end, great and beautiful offerings
of flowers, and renewed her pleading.

When he was yet unwilling, she, knowing the right means, 37
gave to the brotherhood for his sake all manner of medicines
and garments and again pleaded with him. Then did he 38
desire (rebirth for himself in) the king's family, and she
caused the place to be richly adorned and taking her leave
she mounted the car and went her way. Hereupon the 39
samanera passed away, and he returned to a new life in the
womb of the queen while she was yet upon her journey;
when she perceived this she halted. She sent that message 40
to the king and returned with the king. When they two
had both fulfilled the funeral rites for the samanera they, 41
dwelling with collected minds in that very parivena, ap-
pointed continually lavish gifts for the brotherhood of
bhikkhus.

And there came on the virtuous queen these longings of 42
a woman with child. (This) did she crave : that while making
a pillow for her head of a honeycomb one usabha long l and 43
resting on her left side in her beautiful bed, she should eat
the honey that remained when she had given twelve thousand
bhikkhus to eat of it; and then she longed to drink (the 44
water) that had served to cleanse the sword with which the

1 A certain measure. According to Abhidhanappadipika =20 yatt hi
('staves') each 7 ratana ('cubits'). RHYS DAVIDS, Ancient Coins
and Measures of Ceylon, p. 15.

150 Mahavamsa XXII. 45

head of the first warrior among king Elara's warriors had

45 been struck off, (and she longed to drink it) standing on this
very head, and moreover (she longed) to adorn herself with

46 garlands of unfaded lotus-blossoms brought from the lotus-
marshes of Anuradhapura.

The queen told this to the king, and the king asked the

47 soothsayers. When the soothsayers heard it they said : 'The
queen's son, when he has vanquished the Damilas and built
up a united kingdom, will make the doctrine to shine forth
brightly.'

48 'Whosoever shall point out such a honeycomb, on him the
king will bestow a grace in accordance (with this service)/

49 thus did the king proclaim. A countryman who found,1 on
the shore of the Gotha-sea 2 a boat, which was turned upside

50 down, filled with honey, showed this to the king. The king
brought the queen thither and, in a beautifully prepared
pavilion, caused her to eat the honey as she had wished.

51 And that her other longings might also be satisfied the
king entrusted his warrior named Velusumana with the

52 matter. He went to Anuradhapura and became the friend
of the keeper of the king's state-horse and continually did

53 him services. When he saw that this man trusted him he,
the fearless one, laid lotus-flowers and his sword down on the

54 shore of the Kadamba-river early in the morning;3 and
when he had led the horse out and had mounted it and had

1 The Tlka here contains a narrative, taken from the Atthakatha.
of the finding of the boat ; cf. Dip. and Mah., p. 37. The author of
the Kamb. Mah. has versified and adopted it in his text.

2 Gothasamudda (cf. 22. 85) is a designation of the sea near Ceylon.
In Sinhalese the corresponding word is golumuhudu 'the sea not
far from the land, the shallow sea ' (CLOUQH, Sirih.-Engl. Diet., s. v.).

8 The Tika explains the passage thus : Anuradhapurassa uppa-
lakkhettato gahitam uppalamalam ca attano khagga-
ratanam ca gahetva pato va Kadambanadiya tiram netvil
kassaci asankito tattha thapesi 'When he had taken lotus-
flowers gathered from the lotus-marshes of Anuradhapura, and his
own precious sword, he brought it early in the morning to the shore
of the Kadamba-river and laid it there down, without being afraid of
anybody '.

XXII. 63 The Birth of Prince Gamani 151

grasped the lotus-blossoms and the sword, he made himself
known l and rode thence as swiftly as the horse could (go).2

When the king- heard that he sent forth his first warrior 55
to catch him. This man mounted the horse that came second
(to the state-horse) and pursued the other.3 He (Velusu- 5(>
mana), sitting on the horse's back, hid himself in the jungle,
drew the sword and stretched it toward his pursuer.4 Thereby 57
was his head, as he came on, so swiftly as the horse could,
severed (from the trunk). The other took both beasts and the
head (of Elara's warrior) and reached Mahagama in the even-
ing. And the queen satisfied her longings even as she would. 58
But the king conferred on his warrior such honours as were
in accordance (with this service).

In time the queen bore a noble son, endowed with all 59
auspicious signs,5 and great was the rejoicing in the house of
the great monarch. By the effect of his merit there arrived 60
that very day, from this place and that, seven ships laden
with manifold gems. And in like manner, by the power of 6 1
his merit, an elephant of the six-tusked race6 brought his
young one thither and left him here and went his way.
When a fisherman named Kandula saw it standing in the 62
jungle on the shore opposite the watering-place, he straight-
way told the king. The king sent his (elephant)-trainers to 63
bring the young elephant and he reared him. He was named
Kandula as he had been found by Kandula.

1 Attanam nivedayitva as elsewhere namam savayitvana
(10.26; 33.65;.

2 Lit. ' with the swiftness of the horse.'

3 According to the Tika Elara's man-at-arnis was named Nandasa-
rathi, his horse was called Sirigutta, the horse stolen by Velusumana
is called Vaha.

* Lit. ' To him who was coming at his back or after him.'
6 The Tika explains dhannam by paripake gabbhe maha-
punnasampannam punnatejussadam ti va attho.

6 The chaddanta are supposed to be a particularly noble breed of
elephants. Chaddanta is also a sacred lake in the Himalaya named
after these elephants. Mah. 5. 27, 29. SUBHUTI, Abhidhdnappadipikd-
Suci, p. 130: Chaddanto, nagaraja, tassa nivasatthanasaml-
patta Chaddanto saro.

152 Mahavamsa xxil. 64

64 ' A ship filled with vessels of gold and so forth has arrived/
This they announced to the king-. And he bade them bring
(the precious things) to him.

65 As the king had invited the brotherhood of the bhikkhus,
numbering twelve thousand, for the name-giving festival of his

66 son, he thought thus : ' If my son, when he has won the king-
ship over the whole realm of Lanka, shall make the doctrine of

67 the Sambuddha to shine forth (in clear brightness) then shall
just one thousand and eight bhikkhus come hither and they
shall wear the robe in such wise that the alms-bowl shall

68 be uppermost.1 They shall put the right foot first inside the
threshold2 and they shall lay aside the prescribed waterpot

69 together with the umbrella (made of) one (piece).3 A thera
named Gotama shall receive my son and impart to him the
confession of faith and the precepts of morality/ 4 All fell
out in this manner.

1 I.e. the alms-bowl shall not be covered by the folds of the
garment. The twice repeated ca is striking. The author of the
Kamb. Mahavamsa also feels this ; he alters ca to sa.

2 The contrary would be an unlucky omen. This superstition still
prevails among the modern Sinhalese. PARKER, Village Folk-tales of
Ceylon, p. 14.

3 Ekacchattayutam dhammakarakam niharantu ca. My
translation is based on SUBHUTI'S interpretation (letter dated
Colombo 2. 1. 1911). The dhammakaraka is a pot into which the
water is strained before drinking; the strainer being called paris-
savana. See C.V. V. 13. 1; VI. 21. 3). 'The waterpot and the
umbrella (chatta) are two principal articles used by the monks
when going out.' Ekacchatta or ' single umbrella' is 'an umbrella
made of leaf, having its own handle '. According to SILANANDA
(letter received from H. T. de Silva, Colombo 21. I. 1911) ekac-
chattayutam must be taken as 'provided with one handle' as an
adjective belonging to dhammakarakam. The waterpots are made
without or with a handle or neck. In this case the neck of the
waterpot would be compared toachattaon the top of a building.

4 WIJESINHA, Mah., p. 87, n. 1, refers the words not to the boy but
to the assembly present. He says : ' It must here be borne in mind
that it is customary with the priesthood to administer the confession
of faith (sarana) and the five precepts (pancasila)To THE ASSEMBLY
before the commencement of any ceremony.' But Mah. 24. 24
Gotama (cf. v. 28) is expressly designated ran no (i.e. of Duttha-

xxii. 84 TJie Birth of Prince Gamani 153

When he saw all these omens the king, glad at heart, 70
bestowed rice-milk on the brotherhood ; and to his son,
bringing together in one both the lordship over Mahagama 71
and the name of his father, he gave the name Gamani-
Abhaya.

When, on the ninth day after this, he had entered Maha- 72
g-ama, he had intercourse with the queen. She became
thereby with child. The son born in due time did the king 73
name Tissa. And both boys grew up in the midst of a great
body of retainers.

When, at the festival time of the presenting of the (first) 74
rice-foods to both (children), the king, full of pious zeal, set
rice-milk before five hundred bhikkhus, he, when the half 75
had been eaten by them, did, together with the queen, take
a little in a golden spoon and give it to them with the 76
words : ( If you, my sons, abandon the doctrine of the Sam-
buddha then shall this not be digested in your belly/ Both 77
princes, who understood the meaning of these words, ate the
rice- milk rejoicing as if it were ambrosia.

When they were ten and twelve years old the king, who 78
would fain put them to the test, offered hospitality in the
same way to the bhikkhus, and when he had the rice that 79
was left by them taken and placed in a dish and set before the
boys he divided it into three portions and spoke thus : ' Never, 80
dear ones, will we turn away from the bhikkhus, the guardian-
spirits of our house : with such thoughts as these eat ye this
portion here/ And furthermore: 'We two brothers will for 81
ever be without enmity one toward the other; with such
thoughts as these eat ye this portion here/ And as if it 82
were ambrosia they both ate the two portions. But when
it was said to them : ( Never will we fight with the Damilas ;
with such thoughts eat ye this portion here/ Tissa dashed 83
the food away with his hand, but Gamani who had (in like
manner) flung away the morsel of rice, went to his bed, and 84

gamani) sikkhaya dayako, with distinct reference to 22. 69. We
take it then to mean that Gotama, from the very fact that he
'receives' the boy (patiganhati), expresses his willingness to become
his teacher in the future.

154 Maliavamsa XXII. 85

drawing in his hands and feet he lay upon his bed. The

85 queen came, and caiessing Gamani spoke thus: ' Why dost
thou not lie easily upon thy bed with limbs stretched out, my
son?' 'Over there beyond the Gariga l are the Damilas,

86 here on this side is the Gotha-ocean,2 how can I lie with out-
stretched limbs ? ' he answered. When the king heard his
thoughts he remained silent.

87 Growing duly Gamani came to sixteen years, vigorous,
renowned, intelligent and a hero in majesty and might.

88 In this changing existence do beings indeed (only) by
works of merit come to such rebirth as they desire ; pondering
thus the wise man will be ever filled with zeal in the heaping
up of meritorious works.

Here ends the twenty-second chapter, called * The Birth of
Prince Gamani', in the MahEvamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

1 See note to 10. 44. 2 See note to 22. 49.

CHAPTER XXIII

THE LEVYING OF THE WARRIORS

FOREMOST in strength, beauty, shape and the qualities of 1
courage and swiftness and of mighty size of body was the
elephant Kandula. Nandhimitta, Suranimila, Mahasona, 2
Gothaimbara, Theraputtabhaya, Bharana, and also Vejusu-
mana, Khanjadeva, Phussadeva and Labhiyavasabha : these 3
ten were his mighty and great warriors.1

King Ejara had a general named Mitta ; and he had, in 4
the village that he governed,2 in the eastern district3 near 5
the Citta-mountain, a (nephew, his) sister's son, named after
his uncle, whose secret parts were hidden (in his body). In f>
the years of his childhood, since he loved to creep far, they 4
were used to bind the boy fast with a rope slung about his
body, to a great mill-stone. And since, creeping about on 7
the ground, he dragged the stone after him and in crossing
over the threshold the rope broke asunder, they called him 8
Nandhimitta. He had the strength of ten elephants. When
he was grown up he went into the city and served his uncle.
Damilas, who desecrated at that time thupas and other 9
(sacred memorials), this strong man used to tear asunder,
treading one leg down with his foot while he grasped the 10
other with his hand, and then (he would) cast them out (over

1 The story of the ten paladins of Dutthagamani is treated also in
the Rasavahini II, p. 78 foil. (Ed. by SARANATISSATHERA, Colombo,
1901 and 1899.)

2 Kammantagama, i.e. 'Village of labour' or 'activity'. 'I
think the word is equivalent to the nindagamaof the present day.
It is a village the tenants of which are liable to render services to the
landlords.' WIJESINHA, Mah., p. 88, no. 4.

8 Possibly the name of the village is Khandaraji. Rasav. II. 8028
seems to bear this out.

4 That is the boy's parents.

156 Mahavamsa xxm. n

the walls). But the devas caused those dead bodies that he
cast out to vanish.

1 1 When they observed the diminution of the Damilas they
told the king ; but the command ' Take him with his prey ! ' l

1 2 they could not carry out.2 Nandhimitta thought : ' And if
I do thus, it is but the destruction of men and brings not the

13 glory to the doctrine. In Rohana3 there are still princes
who have faith in the three gems. There will I serve the

14 king, and when I have overcome all the Damilas and have
conferred the overlordship on the princes, I shall make the
doctrine of the Buddha to shine forth brightly/ Then he

1 5 went and told this to prince Gamani. When this latter had
taken counsel with his mother he received him with honour,
and with high honours the warrior Nandhimitta continued to
dwell with him.

1 6 King Kakavannatissa caused a guard to hold the Damilas
in check to be kept continually at all the fords of the Maha-

17 gahga. Now the king had, by another wife, a son named
Dighabhaya; and he gave the guard near the Kacchaka-

1 8 ford 4 into his charge. And to form the guard this (prince)
commanded each noble family within a distance of two

19 yojanas round (to send) one son thither. Within the district
of Kotthivala, in the village of Khandakavitthika, lived the
chief of a clan the headman named Samgha who had seven

20 sons. To him, too, the prince sent a messenger demanding
a son. His seventh son named Nimila 5 had the strength of

21 ten elephants. His six brothers who were angered at his

1 The reading should be, without doubt, sahodham ganha-
thenam, cf. J.R.A.S. 1910, p. 860; J.P.T.S. 1910, p. 137. Skt,
sahodha. The Tika has hit the meaning with the paraphrase
sabhandakam. The Rasavah. II, p. 8015 makes the characteristic
alteration to sahasa ganhathenam, a proof that the phrase was no
longer understood in its original sense but had fallen into a stereo-
typed use. Cf. also Jdt. in. 5910.

2 Since they did not succeed in finding out the doer of the deed.

3 See note to 22. 6. 4 See note to 10. 58.

5 Rasavahim: Nimmala or Suranimmala. The first part of the
latter name is derived from sura 'spirituous liquor', and must
(according to II, p. 841'2) refer to the drinking prowess of the hero.

xxiii. 33 The Levying of the Warriors 157

bent toward idleness, wished that he might go, but not so his
mother and his father. Wroth with his other brothers he 22
went, in the early morning, a distance of three yojanas, and
sought out the prince even at sunrise. And he, to put him 23
to the test, entrusted him with a far errand : ' Near the
Cetiya-mountain in the village of Dvaramandala is a brahman 24
named Kundali, my friend. In his possession is merchandise
from over-seas.1 Go thou to him and bring hither the 25
merchandise that he gives thee.' When he had thus spoken
to him and had offered him a meal he sent him forth with a
letter. He travelled, yet in the forenoon, nine yojanas from 26
that place hither 2 toward Anuradhapura and sought out the
brahman. fWhen thou hast bathed in the tank, my dear, 27
come to me,' said the brahman. As he had never yet come
to this place3 he bathed in the Tissa-tank, and when he had 28
done reverence to the great Bodhi-tree and the cetiya in
the Thuparama he went into the city; when he had (then)
seen the whole city and had bought perfumes in the bazaar, 29
had gone forth again by the north gate and had brought
lotus-blossoms from the lotus-field he sought out the brahman, 30
and questioned by him he told him of his wayfaring. When
the brahman heard of his first march * and of his march
hither5 he thought, full of amazement: "This is a man of 31
noble race ; if Elara hears of him he will get him into his
power. Therefore must he not dwell near the Damilas, he must 32
rather take up his abode with the prince's father.' When 33
he had written in the same sense he gave the written message
into his hands, and giving him Punnavaddhana-garments 8

1 The reading samuddaparabhandani, in a Sinhalese MS., is
only a conjecture, but is probably the correct reading.

2 Here, as frequently, taking the standpoint of the author, who
lives in Anuradhapura.

8 I.e. to Anuradhapura.

4 I. e. the distance covered in the morning from Kacchakatittha to
Dvaramandala.

6 That is, to Anuradhapura and from there back to Dvaramandala.

6 Tika : anagghani evamnamikani vatthayuganiti 'pre-
cious pairs of garments bearing that name '.

158 Mahavamsa xxin. 34

34 and many gifts (to take with him), and having- fed him he sent
him (back) to his friend. He came to the prince at the time

35 that the shadows grow longer and delivered up to the king's
son the letter and the gifts. Then rejoicing (the prince)
said : ' Honour this man with a thousand (pieces of money).'

36 The other servitors of the prince grew envious, then ordered

37 he to honour the youth with ten thousand (pieces). And
when (according to his charge) they had cut his hair and
bathed him in the river, and had put on him a pair of
Punnavaddhana-garments and a beautiful fragrant wreath,

38 and had wound a silken turban about his head, they brought
him to the prince,1 and the latter commanded that food from

39 his own stores be given him. Moreover, the prince bade them
give his own bed worth ten thousand (pieces of money) to the

40 warrior as a couch. He gathered all these together and took
them to his mother and father and gave the ten thousand
(pieces of money) to his mother and the bed to his father.

41 The same night he came and appeared at the place of the
guard. When the prince heard this in the morning he was

42 glad at heart. When he had given him provision for the
journey and an escort and had bestowed on him (as a gift) ten

43 thousand (pieces of money) he sent him to his father. The
warrior brought the ten thousand to his mother and father,
gave it to them and went into the presence of king

44 Kakavannatissa. The king gave him (into the service of) the
prince Gamani, and with high honours the warrior Suranimila
took up his abode with him.

45 In the Kulumbari-district 2 in the village Hundarivapi

46 lived Tissa's eighth son named Sona. At the time when he
was seven years old he tore up young palms; at the time
when he was ten years old the strong (boy) tore up great

1 Vethayitva, a verb common to both and governing the
accusative, must be supplied to punnavaddhanayugam and
gandhamalam.

2 Kulumbarikannikaya ; cf. Nakulanagakannikayain,
Mah. 23. 77; Kalayanakannikamhi, Mah. 34. 89; and Huva-
cakannike, Mah. 34. 90. Rasav. II. 8619 reads Kadalumbari-
kannikaya.

xxin. 61 Tlie Levying of the Warriors 159

palm-trees. In time Mahasona became as strong1 as ten 47
elephants. When the king- heard that he was such a man he
took him from his father and gave him into the service o£ 48
the prince Gamani that he might maintain him. Receiving
honourable guerdon from him, the warrior took up his abode
with him.

In the region named Giri, in the village Nitthulavitthika, 49
there lived a son of Mahanaga strong as ten elephants. By 50
reason of his dwarfish stature he was named Gothaka ; his six
elder brothers made a merry jest of him. Once when they 51
had gone forth and were clearing the forest to lay out a bean-
field they left his share and came back and told him. Then 52
forthwith he started out, and when he had torn up the trees
called imbara and had levelled the ground he came and told
(them). His brothers went and when they had seen his 53
amazing work they returned to him praising his work.1
Because of this he bore the name Gothaimbara, and him 54
too, in like manner, the king commanded to stay with
Gamani.

A householder named Rohana, who was headman in the 55
village of Kitti near the Kota-mountain, gave to the son who
was born to him the name of the king Gothabhaya.2 At the 56
age of ten to twelve years the boy was so strong that in his 57
play he threw like balls for playing stones that could not be
lifted by four or five men. When he was sixteen years old 58
his father made him a club thirty-eight inches round and
sixteen cubits long. When, with this, he smote the stems 59
of palmyra or coco-palms, he felled them. Therefore was
he known as a warrior. And him, too, did the king in like 60
manner command to stay with Gamani. But his father was
a supporter of the thera Mahasumma. Once when this house- 61
holder was hearing a discourse of Mahasumma in the Kota-
pabbata-vihara he attained to the fruition of (the first stage of

1 The Rasav. II. 88 foil, tells yet another story of Gothaimbara,
that he subdued a yakkha named Jayasena and then went among the
monks. The 'dwellers in the Uttaravihara ' are mentioned as the
source of this story.

2 Samananamam k are si, lit. 'made of him of like name with . . .

160 Mahavamsa XXIIL 62

62 salvation called) sotapatti. With heart strongly moved l he
told this to the king, and when he had given over (the headship
of) his house to his son he received the pabbajja from the

63 thera. Given up to the practice of meditation he attained
to the state of an arahant. Therefore his son was called
Theraputtabhaya.2

64 In the village of Kappakandara 3 a son of Kumara4 lived
named Bharana. In time, when he was ten to twelve years

65 old, he went with the boys into the forest and chased many
hares; he struck at them with his foot and dashed them,

66 (smitten) in twain, to the ground. Then when he, at the age
of sixteen years, went with the village-folk into the forest

67 he killed antelopes, elks, and boars in like manner. Therefore
was Bharana known as a great warrior. And him did the
king in like manner command to stay with Gamani.

68 In the district called Giri, in the village of Kutumbiyan-
gana there dwelt, held in honour (by the people) there, a house-

69 holder named Vasabha. His fellow-countrymen Vela and
Sumana, governor of Giri, came when a son was born to their

70 friend, bringing gifts, and both gave their name to the boy.
When he was grown up the governor of Giri had him to dwell

71 in his house. He had a Sindhu-horse 5 that would let no man
mount him. When he saw Velusumana he thought : ' Here

72 is a rider worthy of me/ and he neighed joyfully. When the
* governor perceived this he said to him : ' Mount the horse/

73 Then he mounted the horse and made him gallop in a circle;
and the animal appeared even as one single horse around the

74 whole circle, and he sat on the back of the courser seeming

1 Jatasamvego, the conception of samvega is the negative side
to the positive pasada. See note to 1. 4.

2 I.e. Abhaya, the son of the thera. The Rasav. II. 947 foil,
states that the son was already a samanera, then relates a story
from which it appears that in strength he was even superior to
Gothaimbara.

3 A river of this name in Rohana is also mentioned, Mah. 24. 22,
besides a monastery, Rasav. II. 8811, 9412.

4 Thus Rasav. II. 9628 : Kumaro nameko kutumbiko.

8 Skt. saindhava 'horse from the Indus countryman excellent
breed much prized in Indian literature.

xxin. 87 The Levying of flie Warriors 161

to be a chain of men1 and he loosed his mantle and girt it
about him again and again fearlessly. When the bystanders 75
saw this they broke into applauding shouts. The governor
of Giri gave him ten thousand (pieces of money) and thinking :
' he is fit for the king/ he gave him joyfully into the king's 76
service. The king made Velusumana dwell near him, giving 77
him honourable guerdon and favouring him greatly.

In the district of Nakulanaga in the village of Mahisa-
donika there lived Abhaya's last son, named Deva, endowed 78
with great strength. Since he limped a little they called him
Khanjadeva. When he went a-hunting with the village-folk, 79
he chased at those times great buffaloes, as many as rose up,
and grasped them by the leg with his hand, and when he had 80
whirled them round his head the young man dashed them to
the ground breaking their bones. When the king heard this 81
matter, having sent for Khanjadeva, he commanded him to
stay with Gamani.

Near the Cittalapabbata (vihara) 2 in the village named 82
Gavita there lived Uppala's son named Phussadeva. When 83
he went once as a boy to the vihara with the (other) boys
he took one of the shells offered to the bodhi-tree and blew it
mightily. Powerful even as the roar at the bursting asunder 84
of a thunderbolt was his tone, and all the other boys, terrified,
were as if stunned. Therefore he was known by the name 85
Ummadaphussadeva. His father made him learn the archer's
art handed down in the family, and he was one of those who 86
hit their mark (guided) by sound, who hit by (the light of
the) lightning, and who hit a hair. A waggon laden with
sand and a hundred skins bound one upon another, a slab of 87
asana or udumbara-wood 3 eight or sixteen inches thick, or

1 The Tika (see Mah. ed. note on this passage) explains vassa-
haram va by 'like an unbroken row of men holding together1.
Vassa presupposes a Skt. varsan related to Skt. vrsan. The neuter
gender in bar a 'string of pearls ', is striking. Cf. the Greek legend
of Alexander's horse Bukephalos.

2 See Mah. 22. 23 (with note) ; Rasav. II. 1012.

8 Skt. asana, Terminalia tomentosa and udumbara, Ficus
glomerata.

162 Mahavamsa xxm. 88

88 one of iron or copper two or four inches thick he shot
through with the arrow; an arrow shot forth by him flew

89 eight usabhas l over the land but one usabha through the
water. "When the great king heard this thing he had him
taken away from his father and commanded him to stay
with Gamani.

90 Near the Tuladhara-mountain in the village of Viharavapi

91 lived a son of the householder Matta, named Vasabha. Since
his body was nobly formed they called him Labhiyavasabha.
At the age of twenty years he was gifted with great bodily

92 strength. Taking some men with him he began, since he
would fain have some fields, (to make) a tank. Making it he,

93 being endowed with great strength, flung away masses of earth
such as only ten or twelve men had moved else, and thus in

94 a short time he finished the tank. And thereby he gained
renown, and him too did the king summon and, allotting him
honourable guerdon, he appointed him to (the service of)

95 Gamani. That field was known as Vasabha's Dam.2 So
Labhiyavasabha abode near Gamani.

96 On these ten great warriors did the king henceforth confer

97 honours like to the honours conferred on his own son. Then
summoning the ten great warriors the king charged them :

98 'Each one find ten warriors/ They brought thither warriors
in this way and again the king commanded these hundred

99 warriors to levy (others) in like manner. They too brought
thither warriors in this way and these thousand warriors did
the king again command to levy (others) in like manner.

100 They also brought warriors thither. And they, reckoned
altogether, were then eleven thousand one hundred and ten
warriors.

!01 They all continually received honourable guerdon from the
ruler of the land and abode surrounding the prince Gamani.

102 Thus when a wise man, mindful of his salvation, hears of

1 See note to 22. 42.

2 TheRasav. 11. 103 135 says: Kakavannatissamaharaja tarn
anapetva mahantam sakkaratn katva udakavaragamaip
tass' eva dapesi; tato patthaya so Vasabhodakavaro ti
pakato ahosi.

xxill. 102 The Levying of the Warriors 163

the marvels wrought by the pious life, he should surely,
turning aside from the evil path, evermore find pleasure in
the path of piety.

Here ends the twenty-third chapter, called ' The Levying
of the Warriors', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

M 2

CHAPTEE XXIV

THE WAR OF THE TWO BROTHERS

1 SKILLED in (guiding) elephants and horses, and in (bearing)
the sword and versed in archery x did the prince Gamani dwell

2 thenceforth in Mahagama. The prince Tissa, equipped with
troops and chariots did the king cause to be stationed in

3 Dlghavapi 2 in order to guard the open country. Afterwards
prince Gamani, reviewing his host, sent to announce to his

4 father the king : f I will make war upon the Damilas.' The
king, to protect him, forbade him, saying: 'The region on
this side of the river 3 is enough/ Even to three times he

5 sent to announce the same (reply). e If my father were a man
he would not speak thus : therefore shall he put this on/

6 And therewith Gamani sent him a woman's ornament. And
enraged at him the king said : ' Make a golden chain ! with
that will I bind him, for else he cannot be protected.'

7 Then the other fled and went, angered at his father, to
Malaya,4 and because he was wroth with his father they
named him Dutthagamani.5

8 Then the king began to build the Mahanuggala-cetiya.
When the cetiya was finished the monarch summoned the

9 brotherhood. Twelve thousand bhikkhus from the Cittalapab-

1 I believe that upasana in katupasana must be taken in the
sense of 'archery', which is borne out by Abhidh. 390. The Tika, it
is true, explains katupasano, in a general way, by katasikkho,
dassitasippo.

2 See note to 1. 78.

8 Cf. the note to 10. 44. The Mahaganga is considered the border
between the region occupied by the Damilas and the provinces ruled
over by the Mahagama dynasty.

4 Cf. note to 7. 68.

6 I.e. the angry Gamani. Cf. Dip. and Mah.t p. 21, n. 1.

xxiv. 22 The War of the Two Brothers 165

bata (vihara) gathered together here, and from divers (other)
places twelve thousand also.

When the king had celebrated the solemn festival of the 10
cetiya he brought all the (ten) warriors together and made
them take an oath in the presence of the brotherhood. They 1 1
all took the oath : ( We will not go to (thy) sons' battlefield ' ;
therefore did they also not come to the war (afterwards).

When the king had built sixty-four viharas and had lived 12
just as many years he died then in that same place.1 The 13
queen took the king's body, brought it to the Tissamaharama 2
in a covered car and told this to the brotherhood. When the 14
prince Tissa heard this he came from Dighavapi, and when
he himself had carried out with (due) care the funeral rites
for his father, the powerful (prince) toofc: his mother and the 15
elephant Kandula with him and for fear of his brother went
thence with all speed back to Dighavapi. To acquaint him 16
with these matters the whole of the ministers, who had met
together, sent a letter to Dutthagamani. He repaired to 17
Guttahala 3 and when he had placed outposts there he came
to Mahagama and caused himself to be consecrated king. He 18
sent a letter to his brother (asking) for his mother and the
elephant. But when after the third time he did not receive
them he set forth to make war upon him. And between 19
those two there came to pass a great battle in Culahganiya-
pitthi : and there fell many thousands of the king's men.4
The king and his minister Tissa and the mare Dighathunika, 20
those three, took flight; the prince (Tissa) pursued them.
The bhikkhus created a mountain between the two (brothers). 21
When he (Tissa) saw it he turned about, thinking : ' This is
the work of the brotherhood of the bhikkhus/

When he came to the Javamala ford5 of the river Kappa- 22

1 In Mahagama. 2 Cf. note to 22. 8.

3 Now Buttala, situated thirty to thirty-five miles to the north of
Mahagama, where the high-road crosses the Menik-ganga. The road
from Mahagama to Mahiyangana led through Guttahalaka (cf. 25. 6).
The outposts were stationed there by Dutthagamani as a security
against a surprise from Tissa, residing at Dighavapi.

4 I. e. of Dutthagamani.

5 I think that the battle took place at some distance from Gutta-

166 Mahavamsa XXIV. 23

kandara the king said to his minister Tissa : ' I am spent 1

23 with hunger.' He offered him food that was placed in a
golden vessel. When he had set aside of the food for the

24 brotherhood and had divided it into four portions he said :
' Proclaim the meal-time/ Tissa proclaimed the time. When,
by means of his heavenly ear,2 he who had taught the king

25 the holy precepts,3 the thera (Gotama), dwelling in Piyan-
gudlpa,4 heard this he sent the thera Tissa the son of a house-

26 holder, thither, and he went there through the air. Tissa (the
minister) took his almsbowl from his hand and offered it to the
king. The king commanded the portion for the brotherhood

27 and his own portion to be poured into the bowl. And Tissa
poured his portion in likewise, and the mare also would not
have her portion. Therefore did Tissa pour her share too into
the bowl.

28 ' The king handed to the thera the bowl filled with food;
and hastening away through the air he brought it to the thera

29 Gotama. When the thera had offered their share in mor-
sels5 to five hundred bhikkhus, who partook of the food,

30 and had (again) filled the bowl with the fragments that he
received from them, he caused it to fly through the air to the
king. (The minister) Tissa who saw it coming received it

31 and served the king. When he himself then had eaten he fed
the mare also ; then the king sent the almsbowl away, making
of his own field-cloak a cushion to bear it upon.6

halaka in the direction of Dighavapi. The site of Culanganiyapitthi
may, therefore, be near Muppana, about ten miles to the north-east
from Guttahalaka. On his flight the king had to cross the Kumbuk-
kan-oya. This may be the Kappukandara-nadi. Then the Javamala
ford was near the village Kurnbukkan.

1 Chatajjhatto, in this sense also Jdt. i. 34529.

2 See note to 4. 12.

3 See note to 22. 69 and below, v. 28.

4 I. e. ' Panicum, or Saffron Island.' The monks living there
enjoyed a reputation for particular holiness. Cf. Mah. 25. 104 foil.

8 On alopa see CHILDERS, P.D., s. v. ; literally translated it would
be : ' when he had given (of it) in morsel-portions.'

6 By cum bat a is meant a cloth rolled into a circular shape
which serves as the support for a vessel when carried upon the head.

xxiv. 45 The War of the Two Brothers 1 67

Arrived in Mahagama he assembled again a host of sixty 32
thousand men and marching into the field began the war with
his brother. The king riding on his mare and Tissa on the 33
elephant Kandula, thus did the two brothers now come at
once together, opposing each other in battle. Taking the 34
elephant in the middle the king made the mare circle round
him. When he, notwithstanding, found no unguarded place
he resolved to leap over him.1 Leaping with the mare over 35
the elephant he shot his dart over his brother, so that he
wounded only the skin on the back (of the elephant).2

Many thousands of the prince's men fell there, fighting in 36
battle, and his great host was scattered. ' By reason of the 37
weakness of my rider one of the female sex has used me con-
temptuously'; 3 so thought the elephant, and in wrath he
rushed upon a tree in order to throw him (Tissa). The prince 38
climbed upon the tree; the elephant went to his master
(Dutthagamani). And he mounted him and pursued the
fleeing prince. The prince came to a vihara and fleeing to the 39
cell of the chief thera, he lay down, in fear of his brother,
under the bed. The chief thera spread a cloak over the bed, 40
and the king, who followed immediately, asked : ' Where is
Tissa ? ' ' He is not in the bed, great king ' ; answered the 4 1
thera. Then the king perceived that he was under the bed,
and when he had gone forth he placed sentinels round about 42
the vihara ; but they laid the prince upon the bed and covered
him over with a garment and four young ascetics, grasping 43
the bed-posts, bore him out as if (they were carrying) a dead
bhikkhu. But the king, who perceived that he was being 44
carried forth, said : ' Tissa, upon the head of the guardian genii
of our house art thou carried forth ; to tear away anything 45
with violence from the guardian genii of our house is not my

1 To see whether he could perhaps attack him from above.

2 This passage was corrupt at an early period. The Tika, too,
mentions varying readings. The sense appears to me to be that Duttha-
gamani only wishes to show his superiority without wounding either
his brother or the elephant seriously. Cf. Mah. ed., Introd., p. xxii.

3 Lit. 'Has leaped over me.' But the word 'langhayi' is evi-
dently to be taken also metaphorically here.

168 Mahdvamsa xxiv. 46

custom. Mayst thou evermore remember the virtue of the

46 guardian genii of our house !' Hereupon the king went to
Mahagama, and thither did he bring his mother, whom he

47 greatly reverenced. Sixty-eight years did the king live, whose
heart stood firm in the faith, and he built sixty-eight viharas.

48 But the prince Tissa, carried forth by the bhikkhus, went

49 thence unrecognized1 and came to Dlghavapi. The prince
said to the thera Godhagatta Tissa : 2 ' I have done ill, sir ; I

50 will make my peace with my brother '. The thera took Tissa,
in the habit of a servitor, and five hundred bhikkhus with him

51 and sought the king out. Leaving the prince above on the
stairs the thera entered with the brotherhood. The monarch

52 invited them all to be seated and had rice-milk and other
(food) brought (to them). The thera covered his almsbowl, and
on the question : f Wherefore this '? he answered: ' We have

53 come bringing Tissa with us.' To the question: ( Where is
the traitor ? ' he pointed out the place where he stood. The
Viharadevi hurried thither and stood sheltering her young son.

54 The king said to the thera : ( It is known to you that we are
now also 3 your servants. If you had but sent a samanera of

55 seven years our strife had not taken place (and all had ended)
without loss of men/ ' O king, this is the brotherhood's guilt,
the brotherhood will do penance/

56 ' You will (first) have (to do) what is due to (guests) 4
arriving. Take the rice-milk and the rest.' With these
words he offered the (food) to the brotherhood ; and when he

57 had called his brother hither he took his seat with his

1 According to the conjectural reading anatako. Cf. Mah. ed.,
Introd., p. xlvii.

2 We have here a surname given to the thera because of his spotted
complexion, Tika: evamnamikassa. TURNOUR translates, con-
cerning the explanation of the name given in the Tika, thus : ' Who
was afflicted with a cutaneous complaint which made his skin scaly
like that of the godha.' ( WIJESINHA : of an iguana.)

3 Nato vo dasabhavo idani no, i.e. even after I have become
king; no is honorific plur.

4 Hessat' agatakiccam vo stands briefly for agatanam kic-
cam hessati vo kiccam. With these words the king returns to
the hospitality shown to the bhikkhus.

xxiv. 59 The War of the Two Brothers 160

brother even there in the midst of the brotherhood ; and when
he had eaten tog-ether with him he gave the brotherhood leave
to depart. And thither too1 he sent his brother to direct the 58
work of harvest ; and he too, when he had made it known by
beat of drum, directed the work of harvest.

Thus are pious men wont to appease an enmity, though 59
heaped up from many causes, even if it be great; 2 what wise
man, pondering this, shall not be of peace-loving mind toward
others ?

Here ends the twenty-fourth chapter, called ( The War of
the two Brothers ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 That is, there, where he had sent the bhikkhus, i.e. to Dighavapi.
The sassakamraani are preparations for the campaign against the
Damilas.

2 The Tika explains anekavikappacitam by anekadha upa-
citam, punappunanusaranavasena raslkatam ti attho.

CHAPTER XXV

THE VICTORY OF DUTTHAGAMANI

1 WHEN the king Dutthagamani had provided for his people
and had had a relic put into his spear1 he marched, with

2 chariots, troops and beasts for riders,2 to Tissamaharama, and
when he had shown favour to the brotherhood he said : ' I will
go on to the land on the further side of the river 3 to bring

3 glory to the doctrine. Give us, that we may treat them with
honour, bhikkhus who shall go on with us, since the sight of

4 bhikkhus is blessing and protection for us/ As a penance 4
the brotherhood allowed him five hundred ascetics ; taking this

5 company of bhikkhus with him the king marched forth, and
when he had caused the read in Malaya leading hither 5 to be
made ready he mounted the elephant Kandula and, surrounded

6 by his warriors, he took the field with a mighty host. With
the one end yet in Mahagama 6 the train of the army reached
to Guttahalaka.

7 Arrived at Mahiyangana 7 he overpowered the Damila
Chatta. When he had slain the Damilas in that very place
he came then to Ambatitthaka,8 which had a trench leading

8 from the river, and (conquered) the Damila Titthamba ;
fighting the crafty9 and powerful foe for four months he

1 The spear serves as a royal standard, which is always carried
before the prince.

2 See note to 15. 189-190. ' See note to 24. 4.

4 Cf. 24. 55.

5 That is to the north of the island, towards Anuradhapura. Note
to 10. 77. On Malaya see note to 7. 68.

6 Mahagamena sambaddha, lit. 'connected with Mahagama.'

7 Mahiyangana = Bintenne (Alut-nuwara). See Appendix C.

8 A ford of the Mahawaeliganga, not far from Bintenne.

9 Katahattha = Skt. krtahasta, and must be taken in the same
sense.

xxv. 22 The Victory of Dutthagamani 171

(finally) overcame him by cunning,1 since he placed his mother 9
in his view.

When the mighty man marching thence down (the river)
had conquered seven mighty Damila princes in one day and 10
had established peace, he gave over the booty to his troops.
Therefore is (the place) called Khemarama.

In Antarasobbha he subdued Mahakottha, in Dona Gavara, 1 1
in Halakola Issariya, in Nalisobbha Nalika. In Dlghabhaya- 1 2
gallaka he subdued, in like manner, Dlghabhaya ; in Kaccha-
tittha, within four months, he subdued Kapislsa. In Kotana- 13
gara he subdued Kota, then Halavahanaka, in Vahittha the
Damila Vahittha and in Gamani (he subdued) Gamani, in Kum- 1 4
bagama Kumba, in Nandigama Nandika, Khanu in Khanugama
but in Tamba and Unnama the two, uncle and nephew, named 15
Tamba and Unnama. Jambu also did he subdue, and each
village was named after (its commander.)

When the monarch heard (that it was said:) ' Not knowing 16
their own army they slay their own people ', he made this
solemn declaration : 2 ' Not for the joy of sovereignty is this toil 1 7
of mine, my striving (has been) ever to establish the doctrine
of the Sambuddha. And even as this is truth may the armour 18
on the body of my soldiers take the colour of fire/ And now
it came to pass even thus.

All the Damilas on the bank of the river who had escaped 1 9
death threw themselves for protection into the city named
Vijitanagara.3 In a favourable open country he pitched a 20
camp, and this became known by the name Khandhavara-
pitthi.

Since the king, in order to take Vijitanagara, would fain 21
put Nandhimitta to the test, he let loose Kandula upon him
(once) when he saw him coming towards him. When the 22

1 The allusion is too terse for us to make any safe conjecture as to
the cunning mentioned. According to the Tika (vivahakaranale-
sena) the reference is to Gamani's promising to his adversary
marriage with his mother, and with it the expectation of government.

2 On saccakiriya see note to 18. 39.

3 Near the northern bank of the Kalavapi (Kaluwsewa), about 24
miles SSE. from Anuradhapura.

172 Mahavamsa xxv. 23

elephant came to overpower him, Nandhimitta seized with
his hands his two tusks and forced him on his haunches.

23 Since Nandhimitta fought with the elephant the village
built on the spot where (it came to pass) is therefore named
Hatthipora.

24 When the king had (thus) put them both to the test he
marched to Vijitanagara. Near the south gate befell a

25 fearful battle between the warriors. But near the east gate
did Velusumana, sitting on his horse, slay Damilas in great
numbers.

26 The Damilas shut the gate and the king sent thither his
men. Kandula and Nandhimitta and Suranimila, at the

27 south gate, and the three, Mahasona, Gotha and Theraputta,

28 at the three other gates did their (great) deeds. The city
had three trenches, was guarded by a high wall, furnished
with gates of wrought iron, difficult for enemies to destroy.

29 Placing himself upon his knees and battering stones, mortar
and bricks with his tusks did the elephant attack the gate of

30 iron. But the Damilas who stood upon the gate- tower hurled
down weapons of every kind, balls of red-hot iron and molten

31 pitch. When the smoking pitch poured on his back Kandula,
tormented with pains, betook him to a pool of water and
dived there.

32 ' Here is no sura-draught1 for thee, go forth to the destroy-
ing of the iron gate, destroy the gate ! ' thus said Gothaimbara

33 to him. Then did the best of elephants again proudly take
heart, and trumpeting he reared himself out of the water and
stood defiantly on firm land.

34 The elephants' physician washed the pitch away and put
on balm; the king mounted the elephant and, stroking

35 his temples with his hand, he cheered him on with the
words: 'To thee I give, dear Kandula, the lordship over
the whole island of Lanka/ And when he had had choice

36 fodder given to him, had covered him with a cloth and had
put his armour on him and had bound upon his skin a seven

1 Sura is an intoxicating drink. The meaning is: it is not for
pleasure's sake that thou hast come here.

xxv. 51 The Victory of Dutthagamani 173

times folded buffalo-hide and above it had laid a hide steeped 37
in oil he set him free. Roaring1 like thunder he came, daring-
danger, and with his tusks pierced the panels of the gate and 38
trampled the threshold with his feet; and with uproar the
gate crashed to the ground together with the arches of the
gate. The crumbling mass from the gate- tower that fell 39
upon the elephant's back did Nandhimitta dash aside, striking
it with his arms. When Kandula saw his deed, in contentment 40
of heart he ceased from the former wrath he had nursed since
he (Nandhimitta) had seized him by the tusks.

That he might enter the town close behind him Kandula 41
the best of elephants turned (to Nandhimitta) and looked at
that warrior. But Nandhimitta thought : ' I will not enter 42
(the town) by the way opened by the elephant ' and with his
arm did he break down the wall. Eighteen cubits high 43
and eight usabhas long it crashed together. The (elephant)
looked on Suranimila, but he too would not (follow in) the
track but dashed forward, leaping the wall into the town. 44
Gotha also and Sona pressed forward, each one breaking down
a gate. The elephant seized a cart-wheel, Mitta a waggon- 45
frame, Gotha a cocos-palm, Nimila his good sword, Mahasona 46
a palmyra-palm, Theraputta his great club,1 and thus, rushing
each by himself into the streets, they shattered the Damilas
there.

When the king in four months had destroyed Vijitanagara 47
he went thence to Girilaka and slew the Damila Giriya.
Thence he marched to Mahelanagara that had a triple trench 48
and was surrounded by an undergrowth of kadamba flowers,
possessed but one gate and was hard to come at; and staying 49
there four months the king subdued the commander of Mahela
by a cunningly planned battle.2 Then n earing Anuradhapura 50
the king pitched his camp south of the Kasa-mountain.3 When
he had made a tank there in the month Jetthamula he held 5 1

1 Cf. 23. 58.

2 Mantayuddhena. TURNOUR translates: 'By diplomatic
stratagem.'

3 On parato see note to 36. 56 ; on Kasapabbata, note to 10. 27.

174 Mahavamsa XXV. 52

a water-festival. There is to be found the village named
Pajjotanagara.

52 When the king Elara heard that king Dutthagamani was
come to do battle he called together his ministers and said :

53 ' This king is himself a warrior and in truth many warriors
(follow him). What think the ministers, what should we

54 do ? ' King Elara's warriors, led by Dlghajantu, resolved : f To-

55 morrow will we give battle/ The king Dutthagamani also took
counsel with his mother and by her counsel formed thirty-two

56 bodies of troops. In these the king placed parasol-bearers
and figures of a king ; l the monarch himself took his place
in the innermost body of troops.

57 When Elara in full armour had mounted his elephant
Mahapabbata he came thither with chariots, soldiers and

58 beasts for riders. When the battle began the mighty and
terrible Dlghajantu seized his sword and shield for battle,

59 and leaping eighteen cubits up into the air and cleaving the
effigy of the king with his sword, he scattered the first body

60 of troops. When the mighty (warrior) had in this manner
scattered also the other bodies of troops, he charged at the

61 body of troops with which king Gamani stood. But when
he began to attack the king, the mighty warrior Suranimila

62 insulted him, proclaiming his own name.2 Dlghajantu thought :
' I will slay him/ and leaped into the air full of rage. But
Suranimila held the. shield toward him as he alighted (in

63 leaping). But Dlghajantu thought: fl will cleave him in
twain, together with the shield, ' and struck the shield with

64 the sword. Then Suranimila3 let go the shield. And as he
clove (only) the shield thus released Dlghajantu fell there,
and Suranimila, springing up, slew the fallen (man) with his

65 spear. Phussadeva blew his conch shell, the army of the
Damilas was scattered ; nay, Elara turned to flee and they

1 Tika: ranno patirupakam katthamayarupakam ti, i.e.
wooden figures to represent the king.

2 The usual form of challenge to single combat.

8 In the original text of vv. 62, 63 there are only the pronouns
itaro, itaro, so, itaro, instead of the names Dlghajantu, Suranimila,
Dlghajantu, Siiraniraila.

xxv. 79 The Victory of Dutthagamani 175

slew many Damilas. The water in the tank there was dyed 66
red with the blood of the slain, therefore it was known by the
name Kulantavapi.1

King Dutthagamani proclaimed with beat of drum : ' None 67
but myself shall slay Elara/ When he himself, armed, had 68
mounted the armed elephant Kandula he pursued Elara and
came to the south gate (of Anuradhapura).

Near the south gate of the city the two kings fought; 69
Elara hurled his dart, Gamani evaded it ; he made his own 70
elephant pierce (Elara's) elephant with his tusks and he
hurled his dart at Elara ; and this (latter) fell there, with his
elephant.

When he had thus been victorious in battle and had united 71
Lanka under one rule 2 he marched, with chariots, troops and
beasts for riders, into the capital. In the city he caused the 72
drum to be beaten, and when he had summoned the people
from a yojana around he celebrated the funeral rites for king
Elara. On the spot where his body had fallen he burned it 73
with the catafalque, and there did he build a monument and
ordain worship. And even to this day the princes of Lanka, 74
when they draw near to this place, are wont to silence their
music because of this worship.

When he had thus overpowered thirty-two Damila kings 75
DUTTHAGAMANI ruled over Lanka in single sovereignty.

When Vijitanagara was destroyed the hero Dighajantuka 76
had told Elara of the valour of his nephew, and to this 77
nephew named Bhalluka he had sent a message to come
hither. When Bhalluka had received (the message) 3 from him 78
he landed here, on the seventh day after the day of the burning
of Elara, with sixty thousand men.

Although he heard of the king's death after he had landed 79

1 I would now like to adopt the form of this name as given in the
Burmese MSS., as it gives good sense : ' End of the tribe.' The Tika
ed. has Kulatthavapi. This, however, is no guarantee for the read-
ing of the MSS.

2 Ekatapattaka, lit. 'Being under one parasol (atapatta).'
Cf. ekachattena in v. 75.

3 The Tika adds to tassa the subst. lekhasamdesam.

176 MaMvamsa xxv. 80

yet, from shame, with the purpose : ' I will do battle/ he

80 pressed on from Mahatittha hither.1 He pitched his camp
near the village Kolambahalaka.2

When the king- heard of his coming he marched forth to

81 battle in full panoply of war, mounted on the elephant
Kandula, with warriors mounted on elephants, horses and
chariots, and with foot-soldiers in great numbers.

82 Ummadaphussadeva, who was the best archer in all the
island (followed) armed with the five weapons,3 and the rest

83 of the heroes followed him (also). While the raging battle
went forward Bhalluka in his armour came at the king

84 there ; but Kandula, the king of elephants, to weaken his
onslaught, yielded his ground quite slowly and the army with

85 him drew also back quite slowly. The king said : ' Aforetime
in twenty-eight battles he has never retreated, what may this

86 be, Phussadeva?' And he answered: ' Victory lies behind
us, O king ; looking to the field of victory the elephant draws

87 back, and at the place of victory he will halt/ And when
the elephant had retreated he stood firm beside (the shrine of)
the guardian god of the city within the precincts of the
Mahavihara.

88 When the king of elephants had halted here the Damila
Bhalluka came toward the king in that place and mocked at

89 the ruler of the land. Covering his mouth with his sword the
king returned insult for insult. ' I will send (an arrow4) into

90 the king's mouth/ thought the other, and he let fly an arrow.
The arrow struck on the sword-blade and fell to the ground.
And Bhalluka, who thought : ' He is struck in the mouth/

91 uttered a shout for joy. But the mighty Phussadeva sitting
behind the king, let fly an arrow into his mouth wherewith (as

92 the arrow passed) he lightly touched the king's ear-ring. And
since he made him thus to fall with his feet toward the king,
he let fly yet another arrow at the falling man and struck

1 To Anuradhapura. Cf. note to 7. 58.

2 It is called Kolambalaka in 33. 42, and was situated (cf. note to
that passage) not far from the north gate of Anuradhapura.

8 See note to 7. 16.

4 After pa te mi ' I let fly1, understand 'k an dam', as in the Tika.

xxv. 105 The Victory of Dutthagdmam 177

him in the knee; and making him (now) to turn with his 93
head toward the king, thus with swift hand he brought him
down.1 When Bhalluka had fallen a shout of victory went up.

To make known his fault Phussadeva himself forthwith cut 94
off the lobe of his own ear and showed the king the blood
streaming down. When the king saw this he asked : 'What does 95
this mean ? ' ' I have carried out the royal justice upon my-
self/ he said (in answer) to the ruler of the land. And to the 9G
question : 'What is thy guilt ? ' he answered : ' Striking thy
ear-ring.' ' Why hast thou done this, my brother, taking as
guilt that which was no guilt?' replied the great king, and 97
in gratitude he said moreover : ' Great shall be thy honourable
guerdon, even as thy arrow.'

When the king, after winning the victory, had slain all 98
the Damilas he went up on the terrace of the palace, and
when, in the royal chamber there in the midst of the dancers 99
and ministers, he had sent for Phussadeva's arrow and had
set it in the ground with the feathered end uppermost, he 100
covered the dart over and over with kahapanas 2 poured forth
upon it, and these he forthwith caused to be given to Phussadeva.

Sitting then on the terrace of the royal palace, adorned, 101
lighted with fragrant lamps and filled with many a perfume, 102
magnificent with nymphs in the guise of dancing-girls, while he
rested on his soft and fair couch, covered with costly draperies, 103
he, looking back upon his glorious victory, great though it
was, knew no joy, remembering that thereby was wrought
the destruction of millions (of beings).

When the arahants in Piyahgudipa3 knew his thought 104
they sent eight arahants to comfort the king. And they, 105
coming in the middle watch of the night, alighted at the

1 Padato katva and sisato katva, lit. he made him ' foot-
wise ' or ' headwise '. Rajanam (Dutthagamanim) is dependent on
padato (sisato). On the first shot Bhalluka fell backwards, so that
he would have lain with his feet towards Duttbagamani. To prevent
this Phussadeva then shot a second arrow at him, which struck
Bhalluka in the knee, even as he fell, so that he now fell forward on
his face. From that moment he lay in the posture of one conquered
and overthrown, or of a slave before the king.

2 See note to 4. 13. 8 See note to 24 25.

178 MaJiavamsa xxv. 106

palace-gate. Making known that they were come thither
through the air they mounted to the terrace of the palace.

106 The great king greeted them, and when he had invited them
to be seated and had done them reverence in many ways he

107 asked the reason of their coming. 'We are sent by the
brotherhood at Piyafigudipa to comfort thee, O lord of men/

108 And thereon the king said again to them: 'How shall there
be any comfort for me, O venerable sirs, since by me was
caused the slaughter of a great host numbering millions ? '

109 'From this deed arises no hindrance in thy way to heaven.
Only one and a half human beings have been slain here by

110 thee, O lord of men. The one had come unto the (three)
refuges, the other had taken on himself the five precepts.1
Unbelievers and men of evil life were the rest, not more to be

111 esteemed than beasts. But as for thee, thou wilt bring glory to
the doctrine of the Buddha in manifold ways ; therefore cast
away care from thy heart, O ruler of men ! '

112 Thus exhorted by them the great king took comfort. When
he had bidden them farewell and had given them leave to

113 depart he lay down again and thought : * Without the brother-
hood you shall never take a meal,' thus our mother and father

114 have caused to swear us in our boyhood at the meal. Have
I ever eaten anything whatsoever without giving to the
brotherhood of bhikkhus ? ' Then he saw that he had, all

115 unthinkingly, eaten pepper in the pod, at the morning meal,
leaving none for the brotherhood ; and he thought : ' For this
I must do penance.'

116 Should a man think on the hosts of human beings murdered
for greed in countless myriads, and should he carefully keep
in mind the evil (arising from that), and should he also very
carefully keep in mind the mortality as being the murderer
of all, then will he, in this way, shortly win freedom from
suffering and a happy condition.

Here ends the twenty-fifth chapter, called ( The Victory of
DutthagHmani \ in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

1 See notes to 1. 32 and 62.

CHAPTEE XXVI

THE CONSECRATING OF THE MARICAVATTI-
VIHARA

WHEN that king of high renown had united Lanka in one 1
kingdom he distributed places of honour to his warriors
according to their rank. The warrior Theraputtabhaya would 2
not have that which was allotted to him, and being asked :
' Wherefore?' he answered: 'It is war.' And questioned 3
(yet again) : { When a single realm is created what war is
there ? ' he answered : e I will do battle with those rebels,
the passions, (battle) wherein victory is hard to win.' Thus 4
said he, and again and again the king sought to restrain him.
When he had entreated again and again he took the pabbajja
with the king's consent. After taking the pabbajja he attained 5
in time to arahantship, and he lived in the midst of five
hundred (bhikkhus) who had overcome the asavas.

When the week of the festival of kingship was gone 6
by the fearless king Abhaya,1 who had carried out the conse-
cration with great pomp, went to the Tissa-tank, that was 7
adorned according to the festival custom, to hold festival
plays there and to observe the tradition of crowned kings.

All that had been made ready for the king and hundreds 8
of offerings did they place on the spot where the Maricavatti-
vihara 2 (afterwards stood). There in the very place where 9
the thupa (afterwards) stood the king's people who carried
the spear planted the splendid spear with the relic.3 When 10
the king had disported himself in the water the whole day

1 A play upon the words abhayo and gatabhayo.

2 Now Miriswseti in the south-west part of Anuradhapura, north
of Tissawaewa. SMITHER, Architectural Remains, Anurddhapura, p. 19
foil. ; PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 294 foil.

3 Cf. 25. 1, with note.

N 2

180 Mahdvamsa xxvi. 11

through, together with the women of the harem, he said, in
the evening : ' We will go hence ; carry the spear before us.'

11 And the people entrusted with (this duty) could not move
the spear from its place ; and the king's soldiers came to-

1 2 gether and brought offerings of perfumes and flowers. When
the king saw this great miracle, glad at heart he appointed
sentinels there, and after he had returned forthwith into

13 the city he built a cetiya in such wise that it enclosed the
spear and founded a vihara that enclosed the thupa.

14 In three years the vihara was finished and the ruler of
men called the brotherhood together to hold the festival (on

1 5 the consecration) of the monastery. A hundred thousand bhik-
khus and ninety thoiisand bhikkhtinls were gathered together

16 there. Then in this assembly the kittg spoke thus to the
brotherhood : ' Without a thought of the brotherhood, vener-

1 7 able sirs, I ate pepper in the pod-. Thinking : This shall be
my act of expiation, I have built the pleasant Maricavatti-

18 vihara, together with the eetiya. May the brotherhood
accept it ! ' With these words he poured forth the (ceremonial)
water of a gift and piously gave the monastery to the brother-

1 9 hood. When he had set up a great and beautiful hall in the
vihara and round about it, he commanded that lavish gifts

20 should be given there to the brotherhood. The hall was so
planned that stakes were set even in the water of the Abhaya-
tank,1 what need of further words to speak of the remaining
space (covered) ?

21 When the ruler of men had given food, drink and so forth,
for a week, he offered as a gift the whole of the costly

22 necessaries for samanas.2 These necessaries began with a cost
of a hundred thousand (kahapanas) and ended with a cost of

23 a thousand. All this did the brotherhood receive. The
money that was spent there in gratitude by the wise king,

1 See note to 10. 84.

2 The most costly parikkhara (see note to 4. 26) was allotted to
the most distinguished monks (TL samghattheranam) ; the value
was then graduated according to the rank of the recipient. The
literal translation runs thus: the parikkhara had at first (at the
beginning) the value of . . ., at the end the value of . . ..

xxvi. 26 Consecrating of the Maricavatti-vihara 181

who was a hero in battle as in largess, whose pure heart was
filled with faith in the Three Gems, who desired to raise the
(Buddha's) doctrine to glory, (that was spent) to honour the 24
Three Gems, beginning with the building of the thupa and
ending with the festival of the vihara, (all this money), leaving 25
aside the rest of the priceless (gifts), is reckoned as but one
less than twenty kotis.1

Treasures which, in truth, bear on them the blot of the five 26
faults 2 become, if they be acquired by people who are gifted
with special wisdom, possessed of the five advantages ; 3 there-
fore let the wise man strive to have them thus.

Here ends the twenty-sixth chapter, called 'The Con-
secrating of the Maricavatti-vihara', in the Mahavamsa,
compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 The construction of the sentence in vv. 23-25 is thus: dhanani
tena katanriuna ranna pariccattani, ratanattayam puje-
tum — sesani anagghani (danani) vimuiiciya — honti ekaya
unavisatikotiyo. The instrumental cases yuddhe dane ca su-
rena, surina, ratanattaye pasannamalacittena, sasanujjo-
tanatthina are attributes of ranna, and the plural neuter
thupakarapanadito viharamahanantani attribute of dha-
nani.

2 According to the Tlka the five dangers which threaten the wealth
are meant : loss by fire, water, living creatures, confiscation or
brigandage.

3 The construction is: bhoga . . . honti . . . gahitasara. The
five benefits are, according to the Tika : popularity among men,
high esteem among pious men, fame, fidelity in fulfilment of lay-
duties, and attainment of heaven after death. These advantages are
possessed by a kingdom when well governed.

CHAPTER XXVII

THE CONSECRATING OF THE LOHAPASADA

1 HEREUPON the king called to mind the tradition known to
all, and duly handed down : ( The thera rich in merit, ever
intent on meritorious works, who formed his resolves in

2 wisdom, who converted the island did, as is known, speak
thus to the king, my ancestor : " Thy descendant, the king

3 Dutthagamani, the wise, will hereafter found the Great
Thupa, the splendid Sonnamali * a hundred and twenty cubits

4 in height, and an uposat ha- house, moreover, adorned with
manifold gems, making it nine stories high, namely the
Lohapasada.""

5 Thus thought the ruler of the land, and finding, when he
made search, a gold plate kept in a chest and laid by in the

6 palace with such a written record thereon, he commanded that
the inscription be read aloud : ' When one hundred and

7 thirty-six years have run their course, in future time will
Kakavanna's son, the ruler of men, Dutthagamani, build

8 this and that in such and such wise/ When the king had
heard this read he uttered a cry of joy and clapped his hands.2
Then early in the morning he went to the beautiful Maha-

9 megha-park, and when he had arranged a gathering together
of the brotherhood of the bhikkhus he said to them : ' I will

10 build for you a pasada3 like to a palace of the gods. Send

1 I.e. 'provided with golden garlands,1 now Ruwanwaeli. The usual
designation in Mah. is Mahathupa.

2 For the sense of apphoteti ( = Skt. a-sphotayati) cf. Thupa-
vamsa, 339-10: vamahattham abhujitva dakkhinahatthena
apphotesi.

3 See note to v. 14. The building was destined to contain the cells
of the bhikkhus.

xxvii. 20 The Consecrating of the Lohapasada 183

to a celestial palace l and make me a drawing of it/ The
brotherhood of the bhikkhus sent thither eight (theras) who
had overcome the asavas.

In the time of the sage Kassapa 2 a brahman named Asoka, 1 1
who had set out eight ticket-meals3 (to be apportioned) to
the brethren, commanded his serving-woman named Biram : 1 2
f Give of this continually/ When she had given these gifts
faithfully her whole life long she left this (world) and was 1 3
reborn as a lovely maiden in a gleaming palace, floating in
the air, (and she was) continually served by a thousand
nymphs. Her gem-palace was twelve yojanas high4 and 14
measured forty-eight yojanas round about; it was adorned 15
with a thousand jutting window-chambers, nine-storied and
provided with a thousand chambers, gleaming with light,
four-sided, with a thousand shell-garlands and with windows 16
as eyes and provided with a vedika (adorned) with a network
of little bells. In the middle of the (building) was the 17
beautiful Ambalatthika-pasada, visible from every side, bright
with pennons hung out. When the theras, going to the 18
heaven of the thirty-three (gods), saw that (palace) they
made a drawing of it with red arsenic upon a linen cloth,
and they returned, and being arrived they showed the linen 19
to the brotherhood. The brotherhood took the linen and
sent it to the king. Wrhen the king full of joy saw it he went 20

1 By vimana are meant the palaces serving as abodes for the gods
and happy spirits. Cf. the Vimanavatthu, note to 14. 58.

2 The last Buddha before Gotama ; see 1. 10 ; 15. 125.

3 Salakabhatta. See note to 15. 205.

4 Here then we have a construction of several stories, diminishing
in size towards the top (navabhumika!) after the style of the
Assyro-Babylonian ziggarat (RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 70
foil. ; PERROT et CHIPIEZ, Histoire de VArt dans Vantiquite, ii, p. 390
foil.)- Such a building is the Sat-mahal-prasada at Polannaruwa,
although belonging to a later time. See TENNENT, Ceylon, ii, p. 588 ;
BURROWS, Archaeological Report, x, 1886, p. 8 ; FERGUSSON, History
of Indian and Eastern Architecture, 1910, i, p. 245; Arch. Survey of
Ceylon, Annual Report, 1903 (Ixv, 1908), p. 14 foil. The word pa sad a
serves now to designate the graduated galleries which form the base
of t hup as. See SMITHER, Anurddhapura, p. 20, &c.

184 MaMvamsa xxvil. 21

to the splendid arama and caused the noble Lohapasada to be
built after the drawing.

21 At the time that the work was begun the generous (king)
commanded that eight hundred thousand gold pieces should be

22 placed at each of the four gates ; moreover, at each gate he com-
manded them to lay a thousand bundles of garments and many

23 pitchers filled with ball-sugar, oil, sugar-dust, and honey, and
proclaiming, ' No work is to be done here without reward/ he
had the work done (by the people), appraised, and their wage
given to them.

24 The pasada was four-sided, (measuring) on each side a

25 hundred cubits, and even so much in height. In this most
beautiful of palaces there were nine stories, and in each story

26 a hundred window-chambers. All the chambers were overlaid
with silver and their coral vedikas l were adorned with mani-

27 fold precious stones, gay with various gems were the lotus-
flowers2 on the (vedikas) and they (the vedikas) were sur-
rounded with rows of little silver bells.

28 A thousand well-arranged chambers were in the pasada,

29 overlaid with various gems and adorned with windows. And
since he heard of Vessavana's 3 chariot which served as a car
for the women, he had a gem-pavilion set up in the middle

30 (of the palace) fashioned in like manner. It was adorned
with pillars consisting of precious stones, on which were
figures of lions, tigers, and so forth, and shapes of devatas;

31 a bordering of pearl network ran round the edge of the
pavilion and thereon was a coral vedika of the kind that has
been described above.

32 Within the pavilion, gaily adorned with the seven gems,
stood a shining beauteous throne of ivory with a seat of

33 mountain-crystal, and in the ivory back (was fashioned) a sun

1 On the balustrades of the projecting windows, cf. the descrip-
tions in FOUCHER, VArt Grfco-Bouddhique du Gandhdra, fig. 100 ;
GRUNWEDEL, Buddhist. Kunst, fig. 27. See Appendix D, no. 30.

2 For lotus-blossoms as a frequent ornament: FOUCHER, in the
same work, fig. 97, 98 ; GRUNWEDEL, fig. 3 ; balustrade with leaf-
ornaments on cornices : FOUCHER, fig. 99.

3 See note to 10. 89.

xxvii. 45 The Consecrating of the Lohapasada 185

in gold, a moon in silver, and stars in pearls, and lotus-blossoms 34
made of various gems were fitly placed here and there and
Jataka-tales in the same place 1 within a festoon of gold.

On the exceedingly beautiful throne covered with costly 35
cushions was placed a beautiful fan of ivory, gleaming
(magnificently), and a white parasol with a coral foot, resting 36
on mountain-crystal and having a silver staff, shone forth
over the throne. On it, depicted in the seven gems, were 37
the eight auspicious figures 2 and rows of figures of beasts
with jewels and pearls in between ; and rows of little silver 38
bells were hung upon the edge of the parasol. Palace,
parasol, throne, and pavilion were beyond price.

Costly beds and chairs, according to rank, and carpets and 39
coverlets of great price did he command them to spread about.
The rinsing- vessel and the ladle (belonging thereto) were even 40
of gold ; 3 what need then to speak of the other utensils in
the palace? Surrounded by a beautiful enclosure and provided 41
with four gateways the pasada gleamed in its magnificence
like the hall in the heaven of the thirty-three (gods). The 42
pasada was covered over with plates of copper, and thence
came its name ' Brazen palace '.

When the Lohapasada was ready the king assembled the 43
brotherhood, and the brotherhood came together as at the
consecration-festival of the Maricavatti (vihara). Those 44
bhikkhus who were yet simple folk stood on the first story,
those learned in the tipitaka on the second, but those who
had entered on the path of salvation and the others (stood) 45

1 On events in the former existences of the Buddha as a motive for
decorative scenes see particularly FOUCHER, 1. L, p. 270 foil. For
arrangements in the manner described here, see CUNNINGHAM,
Btiarhut, plate xl foil.

2 WIJESINHA enumerates the attha mangalikani: lion, bull,
elephant, water-pitcher, fan, standard, conch-shell, lamp. The Thu-
pavamsa, 6425, mentions sirivaccha as the first (cf. 30. 65).

8 Acamakumbhi or acamanakumbhi— thus the Thupavamsa
542— is a vessel to hold water for washing the feet and hands, and is
placed at the entrance of the temple (WIJESINHA). See M.V. I. 25.
19 ; C.V. V. 35. 4.

186 Mahavamsa XXVII. 46

each on one of the third and higher stories,1 but the arahants
stood on those four stories that were highest of all.

46 When the king had bestowed the pasada on the brother-
hood, after pouring forth the (ceremonial) water of presenta-
tion, he commanded, as before, a lavish gift of alms for

47 a week. That which was spent by the generous king for
the pasada, leaving aside all that which was beyond price, is
reckoned at thirty kotis.

48 The wise who consider how marvellously precious is the
giving of alms, while the gathering together of treasures (for
oneself) is worthless, give alms lavishly, with a mind freed
from the fetters (of lust), mindful of the good of beings.

Here ends the twenty-seventh chapter, called ' the Con-
secrating of the Lohapasada ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled
for the serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 That is, on the 3rd, 4th, and 5th stories stood those who had
attained to the first three stages of the path: the so tap anna, the
sakadagamino, and the anagamino. See notes to 1. 33, 15. 18
and 13. 17. 'Simple folk' in verse 44 is puthujjana, the un-
converted, those who had not even entered on the path.

CHAPTER XXVIII

THE OBTAINING OF THE WHEREWITHAL TO
BUILD THE GREAT THUPA

SPENDING a hundred thousand (pieces of money) the king 1
hereupon commanded a great and splendid ceremony of gifts
for the great Bodhi-tree. As he then, when entering the 2
city, saw the pillar of stone raised upon the place of the (future)
thupa and remembered the old tradition, he became glad,
thinking : ( I will build the Great Thupa/ Then he mounted 3
the high terrace (of his palace), and when he had taken his
repast and had lain down he thought thus : ( At the conquer- 4
ing of the Damilas this people was oppressed by me. It is
not possible to levy a tax ; yet if without a tax I build the 5
Great Thupa how shall I be able to have bricks duly made ? '

As he thus reflected the devata of the parasol observed his 6
thought, and thereupon arose a tumult among the gods ;
when Sakka was aware of this he said to Vissakamma : l
' King Gamani has been pondering over the bricks for the 7
cetiya : Go thou a yojana from the city near the Gambhlra-
river and prepare the bricks there/ 2 8

Thus commanded by Sakka, Vissakamma came hither 3 and
prepared the bricks in that very place.

In the morning a huntsman there went into the forest with 9
his dogs ; the devata of the place appeared to the huntsman
in the form of an iguana. The hunter pursued it, and 10
when he came (to the place) and saw the bricks, and when
the iguana vanished there, he thought : ' Our king intends to 1 1
build the Great Thupa ; 4 here is an aid thereto ! ' Thereupon
he went and told (this thing). When the king, to whom his 12

1 See note to 18. 24. 2 See note to 7. 44.

3 To Lanka or to Anuradhapura. 4 Or ' a great thupa '.

188 Mahavamsa xxvill. 13

people's good was dear, heard his welcome words he, glad at
heart, bestowed on him a rich guerdon.

13 In a north-easterly direction from the city, at a distance
of three yojanas and near Acaravitthigama, on a plain covering

14 sixteen kaiisas (of land) there appeared nuggets of gold of
different sizes; the greatest measured a span, the least were

15 of a finger's measure. When the dwellers in the village saw
the earth full of gold, they put some of it into a gold vessel
and went and told the king of this matter.

16 On the east side of the city, at a distance of seven yojanas,
on the further bank of the river and near Tambapittha, copper

17 appeared. And the dwellers in the village there put the
nuggets of copper into a vessel, and when they had sought
the king they told him this matter.

18 In a south-easterly direction from the city, four yojanas
distant, near the village of Sumanavapi many precious stones

19 appeared. The dwellers in the village put them, mingled
with sapphires and rubies, into a vessel and went and showed
them to the king.

20 In a southerly direction from the city, at a distance of
eight yojanas, silver appeared in the Ambatthakola-cave.1

21 A merchant from the city, taking many waggons with him,
in order to bring ginger and so forth from Malaya, had set

22 out for Malaya. Not far from the cave he brought the
waggons to a halt and since he had need of wood for whips

23 he went up that mountain. As he saw here a branch of
a bread-fruit-tree, bearing one single fruit as large as a water-
pitcher, and dragged down by the weight of the fruit, he cut

24 the (fruit) which was lying on a stone away from the
stalk with his knife, and thinking : ' I will give the first
(produce as alms)/ with faith he announced the (meal)
time. And there came thither four (theras) who were free

1 Where the Rajatalena-vihara (Mah. 35. 4) was afterwards built,
now the Ridi-vihara (Silver Monastery), to the north-east of Kurunsegala,
cf. E. MULLER, Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, p. 39 ; TURNOUR, Mah.
Index, s.v. Ambatthakola ; RHYS DAVIDS, Ancient Coins, &c., p. 17.
The distance between Anuradhapura and Ridi-vihara is 55 miles
= 95 km. as the crow flies.

xxvin 39 Wherewithal to build the Great Thupa 189

from the asavas. When he had greeted them gladly and 25
had invited them with all reverence to be seated, he cut away
the rind around the stalk with his knife and tore out the 26
bottom (of the fruit), and pouring the juice which filled the
hollow forth into their bowls he offered them the four bowls
filled with fruit- juice. They accepted them and went their way. 2 7
Then he yet again * announced the (meal) time. Four other
theras, free from the asavas, appeared before him. He took their 2 8
alms-bowls and when he had filled them with the kernels of
the bread-fruit he gave them back. Three went their way,
but one did not depart. In order to show him the silver he 29
went further down and seating himself near the cave he ate
the kernels. When the merchant also had eaten as he wished 30
of the kernels that were left, and had put the rest in a bundle, he
went on, following the track of the thera, and when he saw the 31
thera he showed him the (usual) attentions. The thera opened
a path for him to the mouth of the cavern : f Go thou now 32
also on this path, lay brother I ' When he had done reverence
to the thera he went that way and saw the cave. Standing 33
by the mouth of the cave and seeing the silver he struck upon
it with his axe, and when he knew it to be silver he took 34
a lump of the silver and went to his freight-waggons. Then
leaving the waggons behind and taking the lump of silver
with him the excellent merchant went in haste to Anuradha- 35
pura and told the king of this matter, showing him the
silver.

In a westerly direction from the city, at a distance o£ five 36
yojanas, near the landing-place Uruvela,2 pearls in size like
to great myrobalan fruits, mingled with coral, six waggon- 37
loads, came forth to the dry land. Fishermen who saw them
piled them together in a heap, and taking the pearls together 38
with coral in a vessel they went to the king and told him of
this matter.

In a northerly direction from the city, at a distance of 39

1 Pan a should probably be altered to puna.

2 According to our passage the site of Uruvela seems to be near the
mouth of the Kala-oya, which is distant about 40 miles, as the crow
flies, from Anuradhapura.

190 MaMvamsa xxvm. 40

seven yojanas, in a cave opening on the Pelivapikagama-1

40 tank, above on the sand, four splendid gems had formed in
size like to a small mill-stone, in colour like flax-flowers,

41 (radiantly) beautiful. When a hunter with his dogs saw
these he came to the king and told him : * I have seen
precious stones of such and such a kind/

42 The lord of the land, rich in merit, heard, on one and the
same day, that the bricks and the other (treasures) had

43 appeared for the Great Thupa. Glad at heart he bestowed
due reward upon those people, and appointing them forthwith
as watchers he had the treasures all brought to him.

44 Merit, that a man has thus heaped up with believing heart,
careless of insupportable ills of the body, brings to pass
hundreds of results which are a mine of happiness ; therefore
one must do works of merit with believing heart.

Here ends the twenty-eighth chapter, called ' the Obtaining
of the wherewithal to build the Great Thupa ', in the Maha-
vamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion of the
pious.

1 The Pelivapi is the present Vavunik-kulam, a little over 50 miles
north of Anuradhapura. The river, of which the damming-up has
formed the tank, is called Pali-am. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon,
pp. 256, 365-366.

CHAPTEE XXIX

THE BEGINNING OF THE GREAT THUPA

WHEN the wherewithal to build was thus brought together 1
he began the work of the Great Thupa on the full-moon day
of the month Vesakha,1 when the Visakha-constellation had
appeared. When he had ordered to take away the stone pillar 2
the lord of the land had the place for the thupa dug out to
a depth of seven cubits2 to make it firm in every way.
Round stones that he commanded his soldiers to bring hither 3
did he cause to be broken with hammers, and then did he,
having knowledge of the right and the wrong ways, command 4
that the crushed stone, to make the ground firmer, be stamped
down by great elephants whose feet were bound with leather.

The fine clay that is to be found on the spot, for ever 5
moist, where the heavenly Ganga falls down (upon the earth 3)
(on a space) thirty yojanas around, is called because of its fine- 6
ness, ( butter-clay/ Samaneras who had overcome the asavas,
brought the clay hither from that place. The king commanded 7
that the clay be spread over the layer of stones and that bricks
then be laid over the clay, over these a rough cement and over 8
this cinnabar,4 and over this a network of iron, and over this
sweet-scented marumba 5 that was brought by the samaneras 9

1 See note to 1. 12.

2 The reading sattahatthe is undoubtedly the correct ont.
WIJESINHA. (note to this passage) says: the Tika has sata. That,
however, is not the case. It also reads satta.

3 The idea is that the Ganga flows through the atmosphere, the
earth and underworld.

4 Kuruvinda is ' ruby ' or ' cinnabar '.

6 Marumba is used (C.V.V.14.5; 35.4; VI. 3. 8) for besprinkling
a damp parivena (living-cell). At Pacittiya X. 2 (Vin. Pit. iv,
p. 33) pasana, sakkhara, kathala, marumba, valika follow one
upon another.

192 Mahdvamsa xxix. 10

from the Himalaya. Over this did the lord of the land com-

10 mand them to lay mountain-crystal. Over the layer of moun-
tain-crystal he had stones spread ; everywhere throughout the

1 1 work did the clay called butter-clay serve (as cement). With
resin of the kapittha-tree,1 dissolved in sweetened water,2

12 the lord of chariots laid over the stones a sheet of copper
eight inches thick, and over this, with arsenic dissolved in
sesamum-oil, (he laid) a sheet of silver seven inches thick.

13 When the king, glad at heart, had thus had preparation
made upon the spot where the Great Thupa was to be built,

14 he arranged, on the fourteenth day of the bright half of the
month Asalha, an assembly of the brotherhood of the

15 bhikkhus, and spoke thus: * To-morrow, venerable sirs, I shall
lay the foundation-stone of the Great Cetiya. Then let our

16 whole brotherhood assemble here, to the end that a festival
may be held for the Buddha, mindful of the weal of the people ;
and let the people in festal array, with fragrant flowers and

1 7 so forth, come to-morrow to the place where the Great Thupa
will be built/

He entrusted ministers 3 with the adorning of the place of

18 the cetiya. Commanded by the lord of men, they, filled
with deep reverence for the Sage (Buddha), adorned the

1 9 place in manifold ways. The whole city also and the streets
leading thither did the king command to be adorned in

20 manifold ways. On the following morning he placed at the
four gates of the city many barbers and servants for the

21 bath and for cutting the hair, clothes likewise and fragrant
flowers and sweet foods (did) the king (place there) for his

22 people's good, he v\ ho rejoiced in the people's welfare. Taking,
according to their wish, the things thus put before them,
townsfolk and country-people went to the place of the thupa.

23 The king supported, in order of their rank, by many

24 ministers, richly clothed as befitted their office, surrounded

1 Feronia Elephantum.

2 Rasodaka is translated by TURNOUR 'water of the small red
cocoanut '. The Tika gives no explanation.

3 The Tika, following the Atthakatha, gives their names, Visakha
and Sirideva.

xxix. 36 The Beginning of the Great Thitpa 193

by many dancers richly clothed like to celestial nymphs,
(he himself) being- clad in his state-raiment, attended by 25
forty thousand men, while around him crashed the music
(he being) glorious as the king of the gods; in the evening 26
he who had knowledge of fit and unfit places went to the
place of the Great Thupa,1 delighting the people (with the
sight). A thousand and eight waggon-loads of clothes rolled 27
in bundles did the king place in the midst, and on the four
sides he had clothes heaped up in abundance; and moreover 28
he had honey, clarified butter, sugar and so forth set (there)
for the festival.

From various (foreign) countries also did many bhikkhus 29
come hither; what need to speak of the coming of the
brotherhood living here upon the island ? With eighty thou- 30
sand bhikkhus from the region of Rajagaha 2 came the thera
Indagutta, the head of a great school. From Isipatana3 31
came the great thera Dhammasena with twelve thousand
bhikkhus to the place of the cetiya.

With sixty thousand bhikkhus came hither the great thera 32
Piyadassi from the Jetarama-vihara.4 From the Mahavana 33
(monastery) in Vesall 5 came the thera Urubuddharakkhita 6
with eighteen thousand bhikkhus. From the Ghositarama in 34
KosambI7 came the thera Urudhammarakkhita with thirty
thousand bhikkhus. From the Dakkhinagiri in UjjenI8 came 35
the thera Urusamgharakkhita with forty thousand ascetics.
With a hundred and sixty thousand bhikkhus came the 36

1 We should rather expect Mahathupapatitthanatthanam
thanavicakkhano: 'he went to the place where the Great Thupa
should be built, having knowledge of (fitting) places.'

2 Cf. note to 2. 6.

3 A park and afterwards a monastery near BarSnasi (Benares)
where the Buddha had preached his first sermon. M.V. I. 6. 6 foil.

* I. e. Jetavana. See note to 1. 44.

5 See note to 4. 9. Also M.V. VI. 30. 6 ; C.V. V. 13. 3, and in many
other places.

6 I. e. Mahabuddharakkhita.

7 See note to 4. 17 ; M.V. X. 1. 1 ; C.V. I. 25. 1, and often.

8 See note to 5. 39 ; 13. 5. Notice that the names of the three
theras in 33, 34, 35, contain the words buddha, dhamma, samgha.

194 Mahdvamsa xxix. 37

thera named Mittinna from the Asokarama in Pupphapura.1

37 From the Kasmira country came the thera Uttinna brin^m""

«/ • • O O

38 with him two hundred and eighty thousand bhikkhus. The
wise Mahadeva came from Pallavabhogga 2 with four hundred

39 and sixty thousand bhikkhus, and from Alasanda3 the city
of the Yonas came the thera Yonamahadhammarakkhita with

40 thirty thousand bhikkhus. From his dwelling- by the road
through the Viiijha forest mountains/ came the thera Uttara
with sixty thousand bhikkhus.

41 The great thera Cittagutta came hither from the Bodhi-

42 manda-vihara 5 with thirty thousand bhikkhus. The great
thera Candagutta came hither from the Vanavasa 6 country

43 with eighty thousand ascetics. The great thera Suriyagutta
came from the great Kelasa-vihara with ninety-six thousand

44 bhikkhus. As for the number of the bhikkhus dwelling in
the island who met together from every side, no strict account

45 has been handed down by the ancients. Among all these
bhikkhus who were met in that assembly those alone who had
overcome the asavas, as it is told, were ninety-six kotis.

46 These bhikkhus stood according to their rank around the
place of the Great Thupa, leaving in the midst an open space

47 for the king. As the king stepped into this (space) and saw7

1 I.e. Pataliputta ; see note to 4. 31. For Asokarama, cf. 5. 80.

2 Pallava is the name of the Persians = Skt. Pallava or Pahlava.
Bhoggam is perhaps 'fief; cf. rajabhoggam in D.I. 879 and
often elsewhere.

3 Alexandria in the land of the Yonas, i. e. the Greeks, probably the
town founded by the Macedonian king in the country of the
Paropanisadae near Kabul. See ARRIAN, Anabasis iii. 28, iv. 22.

4 I. e. Vindhya. See 19. 6 with note.

5 A monastery built near the bodhimanda at Bodhgaya, the
place where Gotama attained to Buddhaship.

6 See note to 12. 31.

7 The Tika gives here (from the Atthakatha) the following peculiar
explanation: 'As the king steps into the middle of the circle he
expresses the following wish : if his work is to come to a happy issue
then, as a sign thereof, may theras who bear the name of the Buddha,
his doctrine and his order, take their places on the east, south, and
west sides ; but on the north side a thera with the name of Ananda,
thd Buddha's beloved disciple. Each bhikkhu shall be surrounded by

xxix. 58 Uie Beginning of the Great TJmpa 195

the brotherhood of bhikkhus standing thus he greeted them
joyfully, with believing heart; when he had then duly offered 48
them fragrant flowers and had passed round them three times,
turning to the left,1 he went into the midst, to the consecrated
place of the ' filled pitcher'. Then forthwith uplifted by the 49
power of pure gladness he, devoted to the welfare of the
beings, commanded that the pure turning staff (for tracing
the circular boundary), made of silver and secured (by means 50
of a rope) to a post of gold, be grasped by a minister of
noble birth, well attired and in festival array,2 and, being 51
resolved to allot a great space for the cetiya, he ordered him
to walk round (with the turning staff in his hands) along the
ground already prepared.3 But the great thera of wondrous 52
power named Siddhattha, the far-seeing, prevented the king
as he did this. Reflecting : ' If our king shall begin to build 53
so great a thupa death will come upon him, ere the thupa be
finished ; moreover, so great a thupa will be hard to repair/ 54
he, looking to the future, prevented (the measuring of) that
great dimension. In agreement with the brotherhood and 55
from reverence toward the thera, the king, though he would
fain have made (the thupa) great, hearkened to the thera's
word and did, according to the thera's instruction, allot a 56
moderate space for the cetiya, that the (foundation) stones
might be laid.

Eight vases of silver and eight (vases) of gold did he, with 57
tireless zeal, place in the midst, and in a circle around these he 58
placed a thousand and eight new vases, and likewise (around

a troop of companions of the same name. The king's wish is fulfilled.'
The theras in question and their companions are called (cf. Tika,
pp. 383-384 and above v. 33 foil.) Mahabuddharakkhita, Mahadhainma-
rakkhita, Mahasamgharakkhita, and Mahananda.

1 Katvana tipadakkhinam. See note to 18. 36.

2 Tika: Abhimarigalabhutena ti, janehi pinitatta abhi-
mangalasammatehi ahatavatthadihi alamkarehi patiman-
ditatta ca samangaliko ti 'he was samangalika because he
was liked by the people and because he was adorned with orna-
ments that were believed to be festival, as new garments (not washed
before) and so forth '.

3 And to draw, in this way, the circular outline of the thupa.

o 2

196 MaMvamsa xxix. 59

59 each of these) a hundred and eight garments.1 Eight splendid
bricks did he lay, each one apart by itself.2 When he then had

60 commanded an official chosen for this and adorned in every way
to take one of them, he laid on the east side, which had been

61 prepared with many ceremonies, the first foundation stone,3
solemnly, upon the sweet-smelling clay.

When jasmine-flowers4 had been offered on that spot an

62 earthquake came to pass. And he caused the other seven
(stones) to be laid by seven (other) ministers and ceremonies (of

63 consecration) to be carried out. Thus he caused the stones
to be laid on the day appointed, the fifteenth uposatha day
in the bright half of the month Asalha.

64 When he had reverentially greeted the four great theras
who were free from the asavas, who stood there at the
four heavenly quarters, and when he had honoured them

65 with gifts he came in due course, greatly rejoicing, to the
north-east side, and when he (here) had greeted the great
thera Piyadassi, who was free from the asavas, he took his

66 place near him. Exalting the festival ceremony there this
thera preached the true doctrine to him ; the preaching of the

67 thera was rich in blessing for the people. The conversion of
forty thousand to the true doctrine took place, and (yet) forty
thousand (more) became partakers in the fruit of entering

68 into the path of salvation.5 A thousand lay-folk became even

1 According to the Tika from atthuttare atthuttare to visum
visum is to be read as ONE sentence, so that the stop after pan a (in
58 d) in the edition should be deleted. In this case we must add in
58c,d a second parivariya with the meaning: Maying around
(them),' and the translation would be 'and in a circle around these he
placed a thousand and eight new vases, and eight splendid bricks did
he lay, each one apart by itself, (laying in a circle around) each of
them a hundred and eight garments '.

2 Namely East, NE., N., and so forth. The stones are called
pavara as they were of gold.

8 According to the Tika the thera Mittasena had mixed the clay
(gandhapinda), the thera Jayasena had poured the water on it.

4 Jati and sumana are both names for Jasminum grandi-
florum.

5 They attained to the first stage of sanctification. See notes
to 1. 32 and 33.

xxix. 70 The Beginning of the Great Ttmpa, 197

such as have but one (earthly) existence before them, a thou-
sand became such as have no other (earthly) existence (to
come), and a thousand also became arahants.1 Eighteen 69
thousand bhikkhus and fourteen thousand bhikkhums attained
to arahantship.

Even so may every one whose heart is inclined to (faith in) 70
the Three Gems, knowing that by a benefactor of mankind,
whose heart is set on generous giving, the highest blessing is
brought to pass for the world, strive toward the attainment
of many virtues, as faith and so forth.

Here ends the twenty-ninth chapter, called ' The beginning
of the Great Thupa', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 They attained to the second and third, and to the last and highest
stage of sanctification. See notes to 15. 18 and 13. 17.

CHAPTER XXX

THE MAKING OF THE RELIC-CHAMBER

1 WHEN the great king had reverentially greeted the whole
brotherhood he invited them, saying : ' Even till the cetiya is

2 finished accept ye alms from me/ The brotherhood would
not consent ; when he then by degrees l prayed (them to

3 accept) for a week he won acceptance, for one week, by the
half of the bhikkhus. When he had obtained this from them

4 he, satisfied, had pavilions set up in eighteen places around
the place of the thupa and commanded there, for one week,
lavish gifts to the brotherhood. Then he gave the brotherhood
leave to depart.

5 Thereupon commanding that the drums be beaten he called
the master-builders together with all speed ; in number they

6 were five hundred. And one of them answered the king, on
his asking : ' How wilt thou make (the thupa) ? ' ( Taking a

7 hundred workmen I will use one waggon -load of sand in
one day/

The king rejected him.2 Thereon they offered (to work
with) one half less and yet one half less again, and (at last

8 with) two ammanas 3 of sand. These four master-builders also
did the king reject. Then an experienced and shrewd master-

9 builder said to the king : ' I shall pound (the sand) in a
mortar, and then, when it is sifted, have it crushed in the
mill and (thus will use) one ammana (only) of sand/

1 I.e. limiting his invitation more and more.

2 The use of too much sand would tell against the durability of the
thupa. Therefore the Tika makes the king say to the master-
builder : * Shouldst thou do so the cetiya would be like a heap of pure
sand and would be covered with grass and bushes.'

3 As a measure of capacity. The Abhidhanappadipika 484 defines
the ammana as 11 dona. The dona is 64 pasata, i.e. handfuls.
Cf. RHYS DAVIDS, Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, pp. 17-18.

xxx. 23 The Making of the Relic-Chamber 199

And on these words the lord of the land, whose courage 10
was like to Indra's, consented, with the thought : ' There will
be no grass nor any such thing on our cetiya/ and he 11
questioned him saying: fln what form wilt thou make the
cetiya ?' At that moment Vissakamma1 entered into (and
possessed) him. When the master-builder had had a golden 12
bowl filled with water, he took water in his hand and let
it fall on the surface of the water. A great bubble rose up 1 3
like unto a half -globe of crystal. He said: 'Thus will
I make it.' And well-pleased the king bestowed on him 14
a pair of garments worth a thousand (pieces of money) and
ornamented shoes and twelve thousand kahapanas.

' How shall I have the bricks transported without laying 1 5
burdens on the people ?' Thus pondered the king in the
night-time ; when the gods were aware of this they brought 1 6
night after night bricks to the four gates of the cetiya and
laid them down there, always as many as sufficed for one day.
When the king heard this, glad at heart, he began work on 17
the thupa. And he made it known : ( Work shall not be done
here without wage/ At every gate he commanded to place 18
sixteen hundred thousand kahapanas, very many garments,
different ornaments, solid and liquid foods and drink withal, 19
fragrant flowers, sugar and so forth, as well as the five
perfumes for the mouth.

' Let them take of these as they will when they have 20
laboured as they will/ Observing this command the king's
work-people allotted (the wages).

A bhikkhu who wished to take part in the building of the 2 1
thupa took a lump of clay which he himself had prepared,2
went to the place of the cetiya, and deceiving the king's 22
work-people, he gave it to a workman. So soon as he received
it he knew what it was/ perceiving the bhikkhu's design. 23

1 Cf. the note to 18. 24. Thus it is the god who acts and speaks
through the medium of the master-builder.

2 I.e. had kneaded and mixed. As he received no wage for this he
hoped to have a share in the meritorious work of building the thupa.

3 He recognized the brick by the difference in the composition.

200 Mahavamsa xxx. 24

A dispute arose there. When the king afterwards heard this
he came and questioned the workman.

24 ' Sire, with flowers in the one hand the bhikkhus are used

25 to give me a piece of clay with the other; but I can only
know (just so much) whether he be a bhikkhu from another
land or of this country, Sire/ l

26 When the king heard this word he appointed an overseer
to show him the ascetic who had offered the lump of clay.
The other showed him to the overseer and he told the king.

2 7 The king had three pitchers with jasmine-blossoms placed in the
courtyard of the sacred Bodhi-tree and bade the overseer give

28 them to the bhikkhu.2 When the bhikkhu, observing nothing,
had offered them, the overseer told him this while he yet stood
there. Then did the ascetic understand.

29 A thera living in Piyahgalla in the Kotthivala district, who
also wished to take part in the work of building the cetiya

30 and who was a kinsman of that brick- worker, came hither and
when he had made a brick in the size (such as was used there)

31 after having learned (the exact measure) he, deceiving the
work-people, gave it to the workman. This man laid it on
its place (in the thupa), and a quarrel arose (on this matter).

32 When the king knew this he asked : * Is it possible to
recognize the brick ? ' Although the workman knew it, he

33 answered the king : ' It is impossible/ To the question :
' Dost thou know the thera ? ' he answered : ( Yes/ So that
he might bs made known the king placed an overseer near

34 him. When the overseer had thereby come to know him he
went, with the king's consent, and visited the thera in the

35 Katthahala-parivena and spoke with him ; and when he had
learned the day of the thera's departure and the place whither

1 The workman means by this that a more exact description of the
personage was impossible to him. The conjectural reading of the
Colombo edition neva ti instead of devati is unnecessary. The
Thupavamsa has also (p. 6135; : ayam pana agantuko ayam
nevasiko ti ettakam janami. See Mah. ed., note to this
passage.

2 So that the bhikkhu might be rewarded in this way for his work
on the thupa.

xxx. 45 The Making of the Eelic-Clianiber 201

he was going, and had said to him : c I am going with thee to
thy village/ he told the king all. The king commanded that 36
a pair of garments, worth a thousand (pieces of money), and a
costly red coverlet he given to him, and when he had (also) 3 7
commanded to give him many things used by samanas, and
sugar and a nail l of fragrant oil withal, he laid his command
upon him.

He went with the thera, and when Piyafigallaka was in 38
s:ght he made the thera sit down in a cool shady place where
there was water, and when he had given him sugar- water and 39
had rubbed his feet with fragrant oil and put sandals upon
them, he gave him the necessaries (saying) : ' For the thera 40
who visits my house 2 have I brought these with me, but the
two garments for my son. All this do I give to thee now/
When with these words he had given those (necessaries)3 to 41
the thera who, after receiving them, set out again upon his
journey, he, taking leave of (the thera}, told him, in the king's
words, the king's command.

While the Great Thupa was built, people in great numbers 42
who laboured for wages, being converted to the faith, went to
heaven. A wise man who perceives that only by inner faith 43
in the Holy One is the way to heaven found, will therefore
bring offerings to the thupa.4

Two women, who since they had also laboured here for hire, 44
were re-born in the heaven of the thirty-three (gods), pondered
when the thupa was finished, upon what they had formerly 45

1 A measure of capacity (Abhidh. 1057), Sinh. nseliya, according
to CLOUGH 'about three pints wine-measure '.

2 Kulupaka or -aga is the name given in a family to a bhikkhu
who continually frequents the house to receive alms, and enters thus
into confidential relations with the family.

3 After te must be understood parikkhare.

4 It is significant that in the Tika there is no explanation of
verses 42-50. These have indeed the look of a monastic legend (cf.
particularly the practical application in verse 43), which may have
been interpolated at a later period. In any case the interpolation
must be old. It is found in all the groups of MSS. and also in the
Kambodian Mahavamsa, and the story appears again in the Thupa-
vamsa.

202 Mahavamsa xxx. 46

done, and when they both became aware of the reward of
their deeds, they took fragrant flowers and came to do

46 reverence to the thupa with offerings. When they had
offered the fragrant flowers they did homage to the cetiya.
At this moment came the thera Mahasiva who dwelt in

47 Bhativanka (with the thought): 'I will pay homage by
night to the Great Thupa/ As he, leaning against a great

48 sattapanna-tree,1 saw those women and without letting him-
self be seen stood there gazing at their marvellous splen-
dour, he, when their adoration was ended asked them :

49 ' Here the whole island shines with the brightness of your
bodies ; what works have ye done that ye have passed from

50 this world into the world of gods ? ' The devatas told him of
the work done by them in the (building of the) Great Thupa ;
thus does faith in the Tathagata bring a rich reward.

51 The three terraces for the flower-offerings to the thupa 2
did the theras of miraculous power cause to sink down so soon
as they were laid with bricks, making them equal to the

52 surface of the soil. Nine times did they cause them to sink
down when they were laid. Then the king called together an

53 assembly of the brotherhood of bhikkhus. Eighty thousand
bhikkhus assembled there. The king sought out the brother-
hood, and when he had paid homage to them with gifts and had

54 reverentially greeted them he asked the reason of the sinking
down of the bricks. The brotherhood answered: 'In order
that the thupa may not sink down of itself was this thing

55 done by the bhikkhus of miraculous power, O great king*;
they will do it no more, make no alteration and finish the
Great Thupa/

56 When the king heard this, glad at heart he caused the work
on the thupa to be continued. For the ten flower-terraces 3

1 Skt. saptaparna, Alstonia scholaris.

2 Itseems thatpupphadhana means the three concentric galleries
(the so-called pasada) which form the base of the thupa proper.
SMITHER, Architectural Remains, Anurddhapura, p. 27 ; PARKER,
Ancient Ceylon, p. 286.

3 I.e. for the nine pupphadhanattayani which had sunk a,nd
the tenth that remained on the surface.

xxx. 71 TJie Making of the Relic-Cliamler 203

ten kotis of bricks (were used). The brotherhood of 57
bhikkhus charged the two samaneras, Uttara and Sumana,
saying1: ' Bring- hither, to (make) the relic-chamber in the
cetiya, fat-coloured stones/1 And they set out for (the land 58
of) the Northern Kurus 2 and brought from thence six massive
fat-coloured stones measuring eighty cubits in length and 59
breadth, bright as the sun, eight inches thick and like to
ganthi blossoms.3 When they had laid one on the flower- 60
terrace in the middle and had disposed four (others) on the
four sides, in the fashion of a chest, the (theras) of wondrous 61
might placed the sixth, to serve (afterwards) as a lid, upon the
east side, making it invisible.

In the midst of the relic-chamber the king placed a bodhi- 62
tree made of jewels, splendid in every way. It had a stem 63
eighteen cubits high and five branches ; the root, made of
coral, rested on sapphire. The stem made of perfectly pure 64
silver was adorned with leaves made of gems, had withered
leaves and fruits of gold and young shoots made of coral.
The eight auspicious figures4 were on the stem and festoons 65
of flowers and beautiful rows of fourfooted beasts and rows of
geese. Over it, on the border of a beautiful canopy, was 66
a network of pearl bells and chains of little golden bells and
bands here and there. From the four corners of the canopy 67
hung bundles of pearl strings each worth nine hundred
thousand (pieces of money). The figures of sun, moon and 68
stars and different lotus-flowers, made of jewels, were
fastened to the canopy. A thousand and eight pieces of 69
divers stuffs, precious and of varied colours, were hung to the
canopy. Around the bodhi-tree ran a vedika made of all manner 70
of jewels; the pavement within was made of great myrobalan-
pearls.5

Rows of vases (some) empty and (some) filled with flowers 71

1 -See note to 1. 39. 2 See note to 1. 18.

3 The Tika explains ganthipuppha by bandhujlvaka-
puppha. Cf. B.R., Skt.-Wtb., s.v. bandhujiva: Pentapetes phoe-
nicea (hat eine schone rote Blume . . .).

4 Cf. note to 27. 37.

5 See 11.14; cf. 28. 36.

204 Mahavamsa xxx. 72

made of all kinds of jewels and filled with four kinds of
fragrant water were placed at the foot of the bodhi-tree.

72 On a throne, the cost whereof was one koti, erected to the
east of the bodhi-tree, he placed a shining golden Buddha-

73 image seated. The body and members of this image were duly1
made of jewels of different colours, beautifully shining. Maha-

74 brahma stood there holding a silver parasol and Sakka carry-

75 ing out the consecration with the Vijayuttara shell, Paricasikha
with his lute in his hand,2 and Kalanaga with the dancing-girls,
and the thousand-handed Mara with his elephants and train

76 of followers. Even like the throne to the east (other) thrones
were erected, the cost of each being a koti, facing the other

77 seven regions of the heavens. And even thus, so that the
bodhi-tree was at the head, a couch 3 was placed, also worth
one koti, adorned with jewels of every kind.

78 The events4 during the seven weeks5 he commanded them
to depict duly here and there in the relic chamber, and also the

79 prayer of Brahma,6 the setting in motion the wheel of the

1 According to the Tika the finger-nails and the whites of the eyes
were made of mountain-crystal, the palms of the hands, soles of the
feet, and the lips of red coral, the eyebrows and pupils of sapphire,
the teeth of diamonds, &c.

2 Pancasikho gandhabbaputto (D. II. 26512 foil. ; Jat. IV. 691)
is the poet and minstrel of the gods. He appears in attendance on
Sakka in Jat. III. 22210,&c.; IV. 637, &c., and often. Thegandhabba
(Skt. gandharva) are the heavenly musicians.

8 To represent the death-bed of the Buddha, the par i nib ban a-
maiica, and intended as a receptacle for the relics.

4 In the vv. 78-87 scenes from the Buddha's life, from the s a m b o d h i
to his death and obsequies, are enumerated. Cf. for this especially
M.V. I. 1-23 (OLDENBERG, Vin. Pit. i, p. 1 foil.); the Jatakanidana
(FAUSBOLL, Jatakas, i, p. 77 foil.); and for 84d foil, the Mahapari-
nibbanasutta (D. II. p. 106 foil. ; RHYS DAVIDS, S.B.E. xi, p. 44 foil.,
and S.B.B. iii, p. 71 foil.). KERN, Manual of Indian Buddhism,
p. 21 foil. On such scenes as the subject of bas-reliefs in buddhistic
monuments see FOUCHER, V Art Greco- Bouddkique, i, p. 414 foil. ;
GRUNWEDEL, Buddk Kunst, pp. 61 foil., 118 foil.

5 The time immediately after the sambodhi which the Buddha
spent near the bodhi-tree.

6 Brahma and the other gods entreat the Buddha to preach the
discovered truth to the world.

xxx. 84 The Making of the Relic-Chamber 205

doctrine, the admission of Yasa into the order, the pabbajja of
the Bhaddavaggiyas and the subduing of the jatilas ; the visit 80
of Bimbisara and the entry into Rajagaha, the accepting of the
Veluvana, the eighty disciples,1 the journey to Kapilavatthu 81
and the (miracle of the) jewelled path in that place,2 the pab-
bajja of Rahula and Nanda,3 the accepting of the Jetavana, the 82
miracle at the foot of the mango-tree, the preaching in the*
heaven of the gods, the miracle of the descent of the gods,4 and
the assembly with the questioning of the thera,5 the Mahasa- 83
mayasuttanta,6 and the exhortation to Rahula,7 the Mahamah-
galasutta,8 and the encounter with (the elephant) Dhanapala ; 9
the subduing of the (yakkha) Alavaka, of the (robber) Anguli- 84

1 The smaller circle of the disciples after the admission of Sariputta
and Moggallana.

2 The miracle of the ratanacankama consisted in this that the
Buddha created a path of gems in the air, pacing upon which he
preached to the Sakyas. According to Jat. i, p. 88, the Buddha
performed in Kapilavatthu the yamakapatihariya (also called in
v. 82 ambamule patihira). Cf. note to 17. 44.

3 Mah. ed. read Rahuiananda0 instead of Rahulan0.

4 On these legends see SPENCE HARDY, Manual of Buddhism,
pp. 295 foil., 298 foil., 301. Cf. TOUCHER, 1. 1., pp. 473 foil., 483 foil.,
537 foil.

5 The allusion is to the assembly before the gates of Sankapura,
where the Buddha appears, after his return from the heaven of the
gods, and Sariputta's intellectual superiority to the other disciples is
demonstrated. SPENCE HARDY, 1. 1, p. 302.

6 = Sutta 20 of the Dighanikaya (D. II. p. 253 foil.) preached in
Kapilavatthu.

7 In Majjhima-Nik. I. p. 414 foil, is an Ambalatthika-Rahulova-
dasutta preached in Veluvana near Rajagaha ; and at III. p. 277 foil,
a Cula-Rahulovadasutta preached at Jetavana. Cf. also Samyutta-
Nik. III. 135-136 ; IV. 105-107.

8 = Sutta-nipata II. 4 (ed. FATJSBOLL, p. 45).

9 A later name of the elephant which Devadatta lets loose upon
the Buddha to crush him and whom the Buddha subdues by the
power of his gentleness. SPENCE HARDY (1. 1., p. 320 foil.) mentions
Nalagiri or Malagiri as his original name. The Milindapanha (ed.
TRENCKNER), p. 20725, has Dhanapalaka. In Sanskrit Buddhist
sources Vasupala also occurs. KERN, Buddhismus, transl. by Jacobi, i,
p. 251 ; FOUCHER, 1. 1., p. 542 foil.

206 Mahdvamsa xxx. 85

mala and the (naga-king) Apalala,1 the meeting with the

85 Parayanakas,2 the giving-up of life,3 the accepting of the dish
of pork,4 and of the two gold-coloured garments,5 the drinking

86 of the pure water,6 and the Parinibbana itself ; the lamentation
of gods and men, the revering of the feet by the thera,7 the
burning (of the body 8), the quenching of the fire,9 the funeral

87-rites in that very place and the distributing of the relics by

Dona.10 Jatakas n also which are fitted to awaken faith did the

88 noble (king) place here in abundance. The Vessantarajataka 12

1 SPENCE HARDY, l.L, pp. 261 foil., 249 foil. ; BURNOUF, Introduction
a rhistoiredu Bouddhisme Indien, p. 377 ; FOUCHER, I. L, pp. 507 foil.,
544 foil.

2 TURNOUR : ' the Parayana brahman tribe (at Rajagaha).'

3 Three months before his death the Buddha resolves to enter into
the nibbana at the end of that appointed time. An earthquake
accompanies his resolve.

4 The dish set before the Buddha by the smith Cunda— the suka-
ram add ava— brought on the illness which finally caused his death.

5 The garments were presented to the Buddha by the Malla
Pukkusa. As Ananda put them on him his body radiated unearthly
brightness, as a sign of approaching death.

6 The turgid waters of the Kakuttha-river become clear by a miracle
when Ananda takes from it a draught for the Master.

7 None can succeed in setting light to the funeral pyre on which
the body of the Buddha is lying, for the thera Mahakassapa is still
on his way from Pava to pay the last honours to the dead Master.

8 After Mahakassapa has passed round the funeral pyre three times,
and has then uncovered the master's feet and done homage to them,
the pyre breaks into flame of itself.

9 Streams of water fall from heaven and extinguish the fire.

10 In order to settle the dispute that threatens to burn fiercely over
the remains of the Buddha the brahman Dona divides them into
eight parts.

11 On pictorial representations of the Buddha's former existences
(jataka-stories) see FOUCHER, 1. 1., p. 270 foil.

12 The Jataka, ed. FAUSBOLL, vi, p. 479 foil. The existence as
Vessantara is the Buddha's last earthly existence. He passes from
this into the Tusita- heaven. Hence this jataka has a particular
significance. See FOUCHER, L I., pp. 283-285. On a fresco representing
this jataka in a series of detached single scenes, in the Degaldoruwa
monastery in Ceylon, see COOMARASWAMY, Open Letter to the Kandyan
Chiefs, p. 6 foil, (reprinted from Ceylon Observer, Feb. 17, 1905).

xxx. 97 TJie Making of the Relic-Chamber 207

he commanded them to depict fully, and in like manner
(that which befell beginning at the descent) from the Tusita-
heaven even to the Bodhi-throne.1

At the four quarters of the heaven stood the (figures of) 89
the four Great kings/ and the thirty-three gods and the
thirty-two (celestial) maidens and the twenty-eight chiefs of 90
the yakkhas; but above these3 devas raising their folded
hands, vases filled with flowers likewise, dancing devatas and 91
devatas playing instruments of music, devas with mirrors in
their hands, and devas also bearing flowers and branches,
devas with lotus-blossoms and so forth in their hands and 92
other devas of many kinds, rows of arches made of gems and
(rows) of dhammacakkas ; 4 rows of sword-bearing devas and 93
also devas bearing pitchers. Above their heads were pitchers
five cubits high, filled with fragrant oil, with wicks made of 94
dukula fibres continually alight. In an arch of crystal there
was in each of the four corners a great gem and (moreover) 95
in the four corners four glimmering heaps of gold, precious
stones and pearls and of diamonds were placed. On the wall 96
made of fat-coloured stones sparkling zig-zag lines5 were
traced, serving as adornment for the relic-chamber. The king 97
commanded them to make all the figures here in the en-
chanting relic-chamber of massive wrought gold.6

1 FOUCHER, I. Z.,-pp. 285-289, 290 foil. The tusita are a class of
gods, Skt. tusita.

2 The four guardians of the world (lokapala) : Dhatarattha in the
N., Virulha in the S., Virupakkha in the W., and Vessavana in the E.

a According to the Tika's interpretation this tatopari belongs to
arijalipaggaha deva. The comma in Mah. ed. should then be
moved accordingly.

4 The ' whet 1 of the doctrine ', a sacred symbol of the Buddhists.
Originally perhaps a sun-symbol. See SEWELL, J.R.A.S. 1886, p. 392.

5 Vijjulata, literally 'lightnings'. The Tika explains vijju-
lata by meghalata nama vijj ukumariyo, and quotes from the
Porana (cf. GEIGER, Dip. and Mah., p. 45) the following verse:
meghalata vijjukumari medapindikabhittiya | samanta
caturo passe dhatugabbhe parikkhipi.

6 The Tika goes into fuller details, to refute those who may perhaps
doubt the truth of the description. GEIGER, I. L, p. 35.

208 Mahavamsa XXX. 98

98 The great thera Indagutta, who was gifted with the six
supernormal faculties, the most wise, directed here all this,

99 being set over the work. All this was completed without
hindrance by reason of the wondrous power of the king, the
wondrous power of the devatas, and the wondrous power of
the holy (theras).

100 If the wise man who is adorned with the good gifts of
faith, has done homage to the blessed (Buddha) the supremely
venerable, the highest of the world, who is freed from dark-
ness, while he was yet living, and then to his relics, that were
dispersed abroad by him who had in view the salvation of man-
kind ; and if he then understands : herein is equal merit ;
then indeed will he reverence the relics of the Sage even as the
blessed (Buddha himself) in his lifetime.

Here ends the thirtieth chapter, called ' The Making of the
Relic-Chamber ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene
joy and emotion of the pious.

CHAPTEK XXXI

THE ENSHRINING OF THE RELICS

WHEX the subduer of foes had completed the work on the 1
relic-chamber he brought about an assembly of the brotherhood
and spoke thus : * The work on the relic-chamber has been com- 2
pleted by me; to-morrow I will enshrine the relics; do you,
venerable sirs, take thought for the relics/ When the great 3
king had spoken thus he went thence into the city ; but the
assembly of bhikkhus sought out a bhikkhu who should bring
relics hither ; and they charged the ascetic named Sonuttara, 4
gifted with the six supernormal faculties, who dwelt in the
Puja-parivena, with the task of bringing the relics.

Now once, when the Master was wandering about (on the 5
earth) for the salvation of the world^ on the shore of the
Ganges a brahman named Nanduttara invited the Sam- 6
buddha and offered him hospitality together with the
brotherhood. Near the landing-place Payaga1 the Master,
with the brotherhood, embarked on a ship. As then the 7
thera Bhaddaji of wondrous might, endowed with the six
supernormal faculties, saw there a place where the water
whirled in eddies, he said to the bhikkhus : ' The golden 8
palace measuring twenty-five yojanas wherein I dwelt, when
I was (the king) Mahapanada,2 is sunk here. When the 9
water of the Ganges comes to it here it whirls in eddies/

The bhikkhus, who did not believe him, told this to the
Master. The Master said: ' Banish the doubts of the 10
bhikkhus/ Then to show his power to command even in
the Brahma- world he rose, by his wondrous might, into the 11

1 Skt. Prayaga, the holy place where Ganga and Yamuna unite.

2 Of. Mah. 2. 4 ; Dip. 3. 7. There is also mention of M.'s palace,
Mah. 37. 62 (= Culavamsa 37. 12, ed. Col., p. 7 ; TUKNOUK, Mah.,

p. 239).

210 Maliavamsci xxxi. 12

air and when he, floating at a height even of seven talas,
had taken the Dussa-thupa l in the Brahma-world upon his

12 outstretched hand, and had brought it hither and shown it to
the people, he put it again in the place to which it belonged.

13 Thereon he dived, by his wondrous power, into the Ganges,
and seizing the palace by its spire 2 with his toe he raised it
high up, and when he had shown it to the people he let it

14 fall again there (to its place). When the brahman Nand-
uttara saw this wonder he uttered the wish: 'May I (at
some time) have the power to procure relics that others

15 hold in their possession.' Therefore did the brotherhood
lay this charge upon the ascetic Sonuttara3 although he

16 was but sixteen years old. 'Whence shall I bring a relic ?'
he asked the brotherhood, and thereupon the brotherhood
described the relics thus :

1 7 ' Lying on his deathbed the Master of the world, that with
his relics he might bring to pass salvation for the world,

1 8 spoke thus to (Sakka) the king of the gods : O king of the
gods, of the eight donas 4 of my bodily relics one dona., adored

19 (first) by the Koliyas in Ramagama,5 shall be borne thence
into the kingdom of the nagas and when it will be adored
even there by the nagas it (at the last) shall come to be

20 enshrined in the Great Thupa on the island of Lanka. The
far-seeing and most wise thera Mahakassapa 6 then, mindful
of the (coming) division of the relics by king Dhammasoka,

1 Dathavamsa 35 (J.P.T.S. 1884, p. 113).

2 For the meaning of thupika see Attanagaluvamsa, ed. ALWIS, IX.
7 (p. 3224): cetiyasise kiritam viya kanakamayam thupikam
ca y ojetva 'having fastened a golden thupika on the summit of the
cetiya like a diadem '.

3 Who had in fact been that same Nanduttara in a former
existence.

4 A certain measure of capacity. See 17. 51. For the passage
following cf. D. II. pp. 165-168.

8 The Koliyas were a tribe related to the Sakyas. The Rohini was
the boundary river between them. In the Sumangala-Vilasini (ed.
RHYS DAVIDS and CARPENTER, i, p. 262) the capital of the Koliyas
is called Vyagghapajja.

6 The samghathera after the Buddha's death and head of the First
Council.

xxxi. 32 The Enshrining of the Eelics 211

had a great and well-guarded treasure of relics placed1 near 21
Rajagaha (the capital) of king- Ajatasattu as he brought 22
thither the seven donas of relics ; but the dona in Ramagama
he did not take, knowing the Master's intention. When the 23
king Dhammasoka saw the great treasure of relics he thought
to have the eighth dona also brought thither. But, bethinking 24
them that it was destined by the Conqueror to be enshrined
in the Great Thupa, the ascetics2 of that time who had
overcome the asavas prevented Dhammasoka from (doing)
this. The thupa in Rajagama, that was built on the shore 25
of the Ganges, was destroyed by the overflowing of the
Ganges, but the urn with the relics reached the ocean and 26
stayed there in the twofold divided waters 3 on a throne made
of many-coloured gems surrounded by rays of light. When 27
the nagas saw the urn they went to the naga palace
Manjerika of the king Kalanaga and told him. And he went 28
thither with ten thousand kotis of nagas, and when he
had brought the relics to his palace, (adoring them) with
offerings meanwhile, and had built over them a thupa made 29
of all kinds of jewels and a temple above the (thupa) also,
he, filled with zeal, brought offerings continually, together
with the (other) nagas. There a strong guard is set; go thou 30
and bring the relics hither. To-morrow will the lord of the
land set about enshrining the relics.'

When he had heard these words of the brotherhood he, 31
answering t Yes (I shall do so) ', withdrew to his cell pondering
over the time when he must set forth. * To-morrow the 32
enshrining of the relics shall take place/ thus proclaimed
the king by beat of drums in the city, by which all that

1 Karapento at21c seems to be employed pleonastically. The
construction of the sentence may be explained, as I have indicated
by the punctuation in the edition, thus : Mahakassapathero . . .
mahadhatunidhanam . . . karayi, Rajagahassa ran no Ajata-
sattuno samante (tarn nidhanam) karapento.

2 Tika : tattha khinasava yati ti tasmim Dhammaso-
kakale khinasava bhikkhu.

3 The waters of the sea divide to receive the urn. TURNOUR'S
translation : * Where the stream of the Ganges spreads in two opposite
directions,' certainly does not give the right sense.

P 2

212 Mahavamsa xxxi. 33

33 must be done is set forth. He commanded that the whole
city and the road leading hither l be carefully adorned and

34 that the burghers be clad in festal garments. Sakka, the king
of the gods, summoning Vissakamma (for this task), caused
the whole island of Lanka to be adorned in manifold ways.

35 At the four gates of the city the ruler of men had gar-
ments, food and so forth placed for the use of the people.

36 On the fifteenth uposatha-day in the evening, (the king)
glad at heart, well versed in the duties of kings, arrayed in all

37 his ornaments, surrounded on every side by all his dancing-
women and his warriors in complete armour, by a great body

38 of troops, as well as by variously adorned elephants, horses
and chariots, mounted his car of state 2 that was drawn by

39 four pure white Sindhu-horses 3 and stood there, making the
(sumptuously) adorned and beautiful elephant Kandula pace
before him, holding a golden casket 4 under the white parasol.

40 A thousand and eight beautiful women from the city, with
the adornment of well-filled pitchers, surrounded the car and,

41 even as many women bearing baskets (filled) with various
4 2 flowers, and as many again bearing lamps on staves. A thou-
sand and eight boys in festal array surrounded him, bearing

43 beautiful many-coloured flags. While the earth seemed as it
were rent5 asunder by all manner of sounds from various
instruments of music, by the (thundering) noise of elephants,

44 horses and chariots, the renowned king shone forth, as he
went to the Mahameghavana, in glory like to the king of
the gods when he goes to Nandavana.6

45 When the ascetic Sonuttara, sitting in his cell, heard the
noise of the music in the city7 as the king began to

1 I.e. to the Mahavihara.

2 Suratha, according to the Tika, is used here as mangalaratha
elsewhere.

See note to 23. 71.

To receive the relics.

The loc. absol. bhijjante viy a bhutale does not belong to the
whole sentence but especially to the pres. part, yanto.*

See note to 15. 185.

Pure is not 'for the first time ' (TURKOUR) but = nagaramhi
(Tika).

xxxi. 56 The Enshrining of the Eelics 213

set out, he went, plunging into the earth to the palace of the 46
nagas and appeared there in a short time before the naga-
king. When the king of the nagas had risen up and had 47
greeted him and invited him to be seated on a throne, he
paid him the honours due to a guest and questioned him as
to the country whence he had come. When this was told he 48
asked the reason of the thera's coming. And he told him
the whole matter and gave him the message of the brother-
hood : ' The relics that are here in thy hands are appointed 49
by the Buddha to be enshrined in the Great Thupa ; do thou
then give them to me/ When the naga-king heard this, he 50
was sorely troubled and thought : ' This samana might have
the power to take them from me by force ; therefore must the 5 1
relics be carried elsewhere/ and he made this known by a sign
to his nephew, who was present there. And he, who was 52
named Vasuladatta, understanding the hint, went to the
temple of the cetiya, and when he had swallowed the urn
(with the relics) he went to the foot of Mount Sineru1 and 53
lay there coiled in a circle. Three hundred yojanas long
was the ring and one yojana was his measure around.2 When 54
the (naga) of wondrous might had created many thousand
(heads with puffed-up) hoods he belched forth, as he lay
there, smoke and fire. When he (then) had created many 55
thousand snakes like to himself, he made them lie about him
in a circle.

Many nagas and devas came thither then with the thought : 56
' We will behold the combat of the two nagas/ 3

1 Name of the mythical mountain Meru which is the central point
of the universe.

2 That is, the naga's body was a yojana in circumference. The Tika
gives another sense to the passage. According to it bhogo is equal
to bhogava, i.e. snake, and yojanavattava equal to yojanasata-
vattava, sata being understood from what precedes. That is
certainly too artificial. TURNOUR translates, 'with a hood forty
yojanas broad ' ; WIJESINHA : ' one yojana broad.' But none of this
appears in the text.

3 A double meaning. Read one way naga 'snake-demon', refers
to Vasuladatta ; the other way, referring to the thera, it means,
' hero, great or mighty man.'

214 Mahavamsa xxxi. 57

57 When the uncle perceived that the relics had been taken
thence by his nephew, he said to the thera : f There are no

58 relics with me/ The thera told him the story of the coming
of the relics from the beginning, and said then to the naga-
king : ' Give thou the relics/

59 And to content him by some other means the serpent-king
took the thera with him and went to the temple with the

60 cetiya and described it to him : ' See, O bhikkhu, this cetiya
adorned with many gems in many ways and the nobly built

61 temple for the cetiya. Nay, but all the jewels in the whole
island of Lanka are not of so great worth as the stone-slab 1 at
the foot of the steps ; what shall be said of the other (treasures) ?

62 Truly it beseems thee not, O bhikkhu, to bear away the relics
from a place of high honour to a place of lesser honour/

63 ' Verily, there is no understanding of the truth2 among
you nagas. It were fitting indeed to bear away the relics to

64 a place where there is understanding of the truth. The
Tathagatas are born for deliverance from the samsara, and
thereon is the Buddha intent, therefore I will bear away the

65 relics. This very day the king will set about enshrining
the relics ; swiftly then give me the relics without delay/

66 The naga said : ' If thou shalt see the relics, venerable sir,
take them and go/ Three times the thera made him repeat

67 this (word), then did the thera standing on that very spot
create a (long) slender arm, and stretching the hand straight-

68 way down the throat of the nephew he took the urn with
the relics, and crying : ' Stay, naga ! ' he plunged into the
earth and rose up (out of it) in his cell.

69 The naga-king thought : ' The bhikkhu is gone hence,

1 At the lower end of the stairway of buildings in Ceylon lie semi-
circular stones with gracefully executed ornaments, the so-called
'Moonstones'. SMITHER, Anurddhapura, p. 58, with. Plate LV1I,
fig. 3.

8 Certainly to be taken in the concrete sense of the four holy
Truths (ariyasaccani) which form the foundation of Buddhist
doctrine : the Truths concerning sorrow, the cause of sorrow, the
cessation of sorrow, and the way leading to the cessation of sorrow.
Samyutta, v. 420.

xxxi. 83 The Enshrining of the Belies 215

deceived by us/ and he sent to his nephew to bring the relics
(again). But when the nephew could not find the urn in his 70
belly he came lamenting and told his uncle. Then the naga- 71
king also lamented : ' We are betrayed/ and all the nagas who
came in crowds lamented likewise. But rejoicing in the victory 72
of the mighty bhikkhu l the gods assembled, and adoring the
relics with offerings they came together with the (thera).

Lamenting, the nagas came to the brotherhood and made 73
right woful plaint sorrowful over the carrying away of the
relics. From compassion the brotherhood left them a few of 74
the relics ; rejoicing at this they went and brought treasures
as offerings.

Sakka came to the spot with the gods bringing a throne 75
set with jewels and a casket of gold. In a beautiful pavilion 76
made of jewels that was built by Vissakamma on the spot,
where the thera had emerged (from the earth), he set up the
throne and when he had received the urn with the relics from 77
the hand of the thera, and had put them in the casket he
placed it on the throne.

Brahma held the parasol, Samtusita the yak-tail whisk, 78
Suyama 2 held the jewelled fan, Sakka the shell with water.
The four great kings 3 stood with swords in their grip and the 79
thirty-three gods of wondrous power with baskets in their
hands. When they had gone thither offering paricchattaka- 80
flowers 4 the thirty-two celestial maidens stood there bearing
lamps on staves. Moreover, to ward off the evil yakkhas the 81
twenty- eight yakkha-chief tains stood holding guard. Panca- 82
sikha stood there playing the lute, and Timbaru who had set
up a stage, making music to sound forth.5 Manydevas (stood 83
there) singing sweet songs and the naga-king Mahakala

1 Lit. ' Of the naga among bhikkhus.' See note to v. 56.

2 Samtusita and Suyama also appear as devaputta at A. IV. 24226,
2431, and S. IV. 28023. Cf. also Jat. I. 4816, 5317, 8110-11 ; IV. 266s.

3 See note to 30. 89.

4 Blossoms of a tree growing in the Tavatimsa-heaven. M.V. 1. 20.
10 ; Jat. I. 20214, IV. 265'8.

5 On Pancasikha see note to 30. 75 ; Timbaru is called in D. II.
2682~3Gandhabba-raja. With rangabhumicf. Sinh. rangabim
(= rangamadulu) ' place for acting, theatre'.

216 Mahavamsa xxxi. 84

84 chanting praises in manifold ways. Celestial instruments of
music resounded, a celestial chorus pealed forth, the devatas

85 let fall a rain of heavenly perfumes and so forth. But the
thera Indagutta created, to ward off Mara, a parasol of copper

86 that he made great as the universe. On the east side of the
relics and here and there in the five regions l the bhikkhus
raised their song in chorus.

87 Thither, glad at heart, went the great king Dutthagamani,
and when he had laid the casket with the relics in the golden

88 casket that he had brought upon his head, and had placed it
upon a throne, he stood there with folded hands, offering
gifts to the relics and adoring them.

89 When the prince saw the celestial parasol, the celestial
perfumes, and the rest, and heard the sound of celestial in-

90 struments of music and so forth, albeit he did not see the
Brahma-gods he, rejoicing and amazed at the miracle, wor-
shipped the relics, with the offering of a parasol and investing
them with the kingship over Lanka.

91 ' To the Master of the world, to the Teacher who bears the
threefold parasol, the heavenly parasol and the earthly and

92 the parasol of deliverance I consecrate three times my kingly
rank.' With these words he, with joyful heart, thrice con-
ferred on the relics the kingship of Lanka.

93 Thus, together with gods and men, worshipping the relics
with offerings, the prince placed them, with the caskets, upon

94 his head, and when he, surrounded by the brotherhood of the
bhikkhus, had passed three times, going toward the left,
around the thupa, he ascended it on the east side and

95 descended into the relic-chamber. Ninety-six kotts of ara-
hants stood with folded hands surrounding the magnificent

96 thupa. While the king, filled with joy, when he had mounted
into the relic-chamber, thought: fl will lay them on the

97 costly and beautiful couch/ the relic-casket, together with
the relics, rose up from his head, and, floating at a height of

98 seven talas in the air, the casket forthwith opened of itself;

1 By this is meant east, west, south, and north, and north-east,
also cf. 29. 64 and 65. In Skt. the north-east is called aparajita
ManuVI. 31.

xxxi. no The Enshrining of the Relics 217

the relics rose up out of it and taking the form of the Buddha,
gleaming with the greater and lesser signs,1 they performed, 99
even as the Buddha (himself) at the foot of the gandamba-
tree that miracle of the double appearances, that was brought
to pass by the Blessed One during his lifetime.2 As they 100
beheld this miracle, with believing and joyous heart, twelve
kotis of devas and men attained to arahantship; those 101
who attained the three other fruits (of salvation) 3 were past
reckoning.

Quitting the form of the Buddha those (relics) returned to
their place in the casket; but the casket sank down again 102
and rested on the head of the king. Then passing round 4
the relic-chamber in procession with the thera Indagutta and 103
the dancing-women, the glorious king coming even to the
beautiful couch laid the casket on the jewelled throne. And 104
when he, filled with zeal, had washed again his hands in
water fragrant with perfumes, and had rubbed them with the
five kinds of perfumes, he opened the casket, and taking out 105
the relics the ruler of the land, who was intent on the
welfare of his people, thought thus:5 'If these relics shall 106
abide undisturbed by any man soever, and if the relics,
serving as a refuge for the people, shall endure continually,
then may they rest, in the form of the Master as he lay upon 107
his deathbed, upon this well-ordered and precious couch/

Thinking thus he laid the relics upon the splendid couch; 108
the relics lay there upon the splendid couch even in such
a shape. On the fifteenth uposatha-day in the bright half 109
of the month Asalha, under the constellation Uttarasalha,
were the relics enshrined in this way. At the enshrining of 1 1 0
the relics the great earth quaked and many wonders came to
pass in divers ways.

1 See note to 5. 92.

2 Cf. 17. 44, also the note to 30. 81.

3 I.e. the state of a sotapanno, of a sakadagami or of an
anagami. See notes to 1. 33 ; 15. 18 ; 13. 17.

4 Pariharam (part. pres.). The subst. parihara=Sinh. psera-
hsera means a solemn procession.

5 A saccakiriya, cf. note to 18. 39.

218 Mahavamsa xxxi. ill

111 With believing heart did the king worship the relics by
(offering) a white parasol, and conferred on them the entire
overlordship of Lanka for seven days.

112 All the adornments on his body he offered in the relic-
chamber, and so likewise (did) the dancing-women, the

113 ministers, the retinue and the devatas. When the king had
distributed garments, sugar, clarified butter and so forth
among the brotherhood, and had caused the bhikkhus to recite

114 in chorus the whole night, then, when it was again day, he
had the drum beaten in the city, being mindful of the
welfare of the people : ' All the people shall adore the relics

115 throughout this week/ The great thera Indagutta, of
wondrous might, commanded : ' Those men of the island

116 of Lanka who would fain adore the relics shall arrive hither
at the same moment, and when they have adored the relics
here shall return each one to his house/ This came to pass
as he had commanded.

117 When the great king of great renown had commanded
great offerings of alms to the great brotherhood of the

118 bhikkhus for the week uninterruptedly, he proclaimed : ' All
that was to be done in the relic-chamber has been carried out
by me ; now let the brotherhood take the charge of closing
the relic-chamber/

119 The brotherhood charged the two samaneras with this task.
They closed up the relic-chamber with the fat-coloured stone
that they had brought.1

120 * The flowers here shall not wither, these perfumes shall
not dry up ; the lamps shall not be extinguished ; nothing

121 whatsoever shall perish; the six fat-coloured stones shall
hold together for evermore/ All this did the (theras) who
had overcome the asavas command at that time.

122 The great king, mindful of the welfare (of the people),
issued the command : ' So far as they are able (to do so) the

123 people shall enshrine relics/ And above the great relic-
treasure did the people, so far as they could, carry out the

124 enshrining of thousands of relics. Enclosing all together

1 Cf. with this 30. 61. The two novices are Uttara and Suinana,
mentioned in 30. 57.

xxxi. 126 The Enshrining of the Eelks 219

the king completed the thupa and, moreover, he completed
the four-sided building 1 on the cetiya.

Thus are the Buddhas incomprehensible, and incompre- 125
hensible is the nature of the Buddhas, and incomprehensible
is the reward of those who have faith in the incomprehensible.2

Thus do the pious themselves perform pure deeds of merit, 126
in order to obtain the most glorious of all blessings ; and
they, with pure heart, make also others to perform them in
order to win a following of eminent people of many kinds.3

Here ends the thirty-first chapter, called f The Enshrining
of the Relics ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy
and emotion of the pious.

1 A dagaba consists essentially of three elements. The dome, usually
hemispherical, and ordinarily raised on a cylindrical base, forms the
principal part. In the upper part of this is the relic chamber. The
second part is a square block of brickwork now mostly known by the
Burmese term 'tee'. This is the caturassacaya of our passage.
Finally the 'tee' forms the base for the conical spire (chatta =
parasol) that crowns the whole. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 263.
In 32. 5 is evidently muddhavedi ' top or upper-terrace' or 'rail',
a designation of the ' tee '. Cf. Appendix D, s.v. vedi.

2 Cf. 17. 56.

3 Tika : khattiyabrahmanadivividhavisesajanaparivara-
hetubhutani punnani pi pare ca karentiti attho 'they make
also others to perform meritorious works which are the cause of
(obtaining) a following of eminent people of various kinds as
khattiyas, brahuianas and so forth.'

CHAPTEK XXXII

THE ENTRANCE INTO THE TUSITA-HEAVEN

1 ERE yet the making of the chatta and the plaster-work l
on the cetiya was finished the king fell sick with a sickness

2 that was (fated) to be mortal. He sent for his younger
brother Tissa from Dighavapi and said to him : ' Complete

3 thou the work of the thupa that is not yet finished/ Because
of his brother's weakness he had a covering made of
white cloths by seamsters and therewith was the cetiya

4 covered, and thereon did he command painters to make on it a
vedika duly and rows of filled vases likewise and the row with

5 the five-finger ornament.2 And he had a chatta made of
bamboo-reeds by plaiters of reeds and on the upper vedika

6 a sun and moon of kharapatta.3 And when he had had this
(thupa) painted cunningly with lacquer and kahkutthaka 4 he
declared to the king : ' That which was yet to do to the thupa
is completed/

7 Lying on a palanquin the king went thither, and when on

1 On chatta see note to 31. 124. By sudhakamma is meant
covering with stucco the dome of the cetiya which was made of
brick.

2 The vedika (rail) seems, as it was counterfeited in painting, to
have been merely an ornament. ' Buddhist railings ' occur in low-
relief as ornament on the cornice of the first pasada of the Ruwan-
wseli-dagaba (SMITHER, Anurddhapura, p. 26) as also, which may
be taken into account here, on the * tee ' of the Abhayagiri and the
Jetavana-dagaba (SMITHER, pp. 47 and 52). We also frequently
meet with 'urns ' as ornaments. But it is not clear what ornament
is meant by pancangulikapantika.

3 Muddhavedi = 'tee\ see note to 31. 124. The picture of the
sun on the four sides of the 'tee* is an emblem constantly found.
Kharapatta=Skt. kharapatra is a name of different plants.

4 On kankutthaka'a kind of soil or mould of a golden or silver
colour ' = Skt. karikustha, see Mah. ed., p. 355.

xxxii. 19 The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven 221

his palanquin he had passed round the cetiya, going toward
the left, he paid homage to it at the south entrance, and as he 8
then, lying- on his right side on his couch spread upon the
ground, beheld the splendid Great Thupa, and lying on his 9
left side the splendid Lohapasada, he became glad at heart,
surrounded by the brotherhood of bhikkhus.

Since they had come from here and there to have news of the 10
sick (king), there were (present) in that assembly ninety-six
kotis of bhikkhus. The bhikkhus, group by group, recited in 1 1
chorus. When the king did not see the thera Theraputtabhaya
among them he thought: "The great warrior, who fought 12
victoriously through twenty-eight great battles with me nor
ever yielded his ground, the thera Therasutabhaya comes not 1 3
now to help me, now that the death-struggle is begun, for
methinks he (fore)sees my defeat/

When the thera, who dwelt by the source of the Karinda- 1 4
river1 on the Panjali-mountain, knew his thought he came 15
with a company of five hundred (bhikkhus) who had over-
come the asavas, passing through the air by his miraculous
power, and he stood among those who surrounded the king.
When the king saw him he was glad at heart and he bade him 1 6
be seated before him and said : ' Formerly I fought with you,
the ten great warriors, by my side ; now have I entered alone 1 7
upon the battle with death, and the foe death I cannot conquer.'

The thera answered: ' O great king, fear not, ruler of men. 18
Without conquering the foe sin the foe death is unconquer-
able. All that has come into (this transitory) existence 19
must necessarily perish also, perishable is all that exists ; 2

1 The Kirindu-oya or Magama-ganga of which the mouth is in the
Southern Province, east of Hambantota, and the source in the mountains
south of Badulla. Consequently the Panjali-pabbata must be sought
here also.

2 The thera alludes to the oft-quoted verse that is put into Sakka's
mouth after the Buddha's death in the Mahaparinibbanasutta
(D. II. 1578) :

anicca vata samkhara uppadavayadhammino
uppajjitva nirujjhanti tesam vupasamo sukho

' Transient are, alas ! the samkharas, having the nature of growth and

222 Mahavamsa xxxil. 20

20 thus did the Master teach. Mortality overcomes even the
Buddhas, untouched by shame or fear; therefore think
thou : all that exists is perishable, full of sorrow, and unreal.

21 In thy last mortal existence1 thy love for the true doctrine
was indeed great. Albeit the world of gods was within thy

22 sight, yet didst thou, renouncing heavenly bliss, return to
this world and didst many works of merit in manifold ways.
Moreover, the setting up of sole sovereignty by thee did serve

23 to bring glory to the doctrine. Oh thou who art rich in
merit, think on all those works of merit accomplished by thee
even to this present day, then will all be well with thee
straightway ! '

24 When the king heard the thera's words he was glad at
heart and said : ' In single combat also thou art my help/

25 And rejoicing he forthwith commanded that the book of
meritorious deeds be brought, and he bade the scribe read it
aloud, and he read the book aloud :

26 'Ninety-nine viharas have been built by the great king,
and, with (the spending of) nineteen kotis,2 the Maricavatti-

27 vihara; the splendid Lohapasada was built for thirty kotis.3
But these precious things 4 that have been made for the Great

28 Thupa were worth twenty kotis; the rest that was made for
the Great Thupa by the wise (king was worth) a thousand

29 kotis, O great king/ Thus did he read. As he read further: 5
'In the mountain-region called Kotta, at the time of the famine
called the Akkhakhayika 6 famine, two precious ear-rings were

30 given (by the king), and thus a goodly dish of sour millet-
decay ; having been produced they are dissolved again ; blissful is
their subjection.5 The meaning of samkhara is by no means fully
rendered by * existence '. RHYS DAVIDS, S.B. E. xi, p. 117; S.B.B.
iii, pp. 175-176, translates it with ' each being's parts and powers'.

This refers to the story told in 22. 25-41.

Cf. 26. 25. 8 Cf. 27.47.

According to the Tika the adorning of the relic-chamber is meant
here.

Translation of the words ti vutte in 32.

Lit. famine during which the nuts called akkha (Terminalia
Bellerica) were eaten, which at other times are used as dice. In the
Atthakatha, according to the Tika, the famine is called Pasana-
chataka.

xxxii. 39 The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven 223

gruel was gotten for five great theras who had overcome the
asavas, and offered1 to them with a believing heart; when, 31
vanquished in the battle of Culanganiya, he was fleeing 2 he
proclaimed the hour (of the meal) and to the ascetic (Tissa), 32
free from the asavas, who came thither through the air he,
without thought for himself, gave the food from his bowl ' —
then did the king take up the tale :

' In the week of the consecration-festival of the (Mari- 33
cavatti) vihara as at the consecration of the (Loha) pasada, in
the week when the (Great) Thupa was begun even as when
the relics 3 were enshrined, a general, great and costly giving 34
of alms was arranged by me to the great community of both
(sexes) from the four quarters.4 I held twenty-four great 35
Vesak ha- festivals ; 5 three times did I bestow the three
garments on the brotherhood of the island.

Five times, each time for seven days, have I bestowed (glad 36
at heart) the rank of ruler of this island upon the doctrine.6
I have had a thousand lamps with oil and white wicks 37
burning perpetually in twelve places, adoring the Blessed
(Buddha) with this offering. Constantly in eighteen places 38
have I bestowed on the sick the foods for the sick and
remedies, as ordered by the physicians.

In forty-four places have I commanded the perpetual giving 39
of rice-foods prepared with honey ; 7 and in as many places

1 Tika: kangutandulam gahetva ambilayagum pacapetva
attano santikam agatanam Malayamahadevattheradinam
pancannam khinasavamahatheranam adasi.

2 Cf. with this 24. 22-31.

3 Cf. 26. 21; 27.46; 30.4; 31. 117.

4 Ubhato-samgha is bhikkhusamgha and bhikkhuni-
samgha. We meet with the epithet catuddisa 'of the four
quarters', frequently in the oldest cave-inscriptions of Ceylon. Cf.
E. MULLER, Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, p. 73 ; WICKREMASINGHE,
Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 144 foil.

5 Tradition makes the Buddha's nibbana fall on the full-nioon day
of the month Vesakha (at that time March-April), Sum. I, p. 2 ;
Smp., p. 283 ; Mah. 3. 2. See FLEET, J.R.A.S. 1909, p. 6 foil.

6 Cf. 31. 90-92; 111.

7 Tika: samkhatam madhupayasam, sakkharamadhusap-
pitelehi samyojitam madhupayasam.

224 Mahavamsa xxxn. 40

40 lumps of rice with oil,1 and in even as many places
great jala-cakes,2 baked in butter and also therewith the

41 ordinary rice. For the uposatha-festivals I have had oil for
the lamps distributed one day in every month in eight

42 viharas on the island of Lanka. And since I heard that
a gift (by preaching) of the doctrine is more than a gift
of worldly wealth I said : At the foot of the Lohapasada, in

43 the (preacher's) chair in the midst of the brotherhood, I will
preach the Mahgalasutta to the brotherhood ; 3 but when
I was seated there I could not preach it, from reverence for

44 the brotherhood. Since then I have commanded the preach-
ing of the doctrine everywhere, in the viharas of Lanka,

45 giving rewards to the preachers. To each preacher of the
doctrine did I order to give a nail4 of butter, molasses and

46 sugar ; moreover, I bestowed on them a handful of liquorice,5
four inches long, and I gave them, moreover, a pair of
garments. But all this giving while that I reigned, rejoices

47 not my heart; only the two gifts that I gave, without care
for my life, the while I was in adversity, those gladden my
heart.'

48 When the thera Abhaya heard this he described those two
gifts, to rejoice the king's heart withal, in manifold ways :

49 « When (the one) of those five theras 6 the thera Malayama-
hadeva, who received the sour millet-gruel, had given thereof

50 to nine hundred bhikkhus on the Sumanakuta-mountain 7
he ate of it himself. But the thera Dhammagutta who

51 could cause the earth to quake shared it with the bhikkhus
in the Kalyanika-vihara,8 (who were) five hundred in num-

52 ber, and then ate of it himself. The thera Dhammadinna,

1 Tika: telullopakam eva cati, telaussadakhirasappi-
mandasamkhatam alopadanam ca adapayim.

2 What jalapuva is I do not know. Nor does the Tika give any
explanation.

3 Sutta-nipata, ed. FAUSBOLL, p. 45. See note to 30. 83.

4 See note to 30. 37.

5 Yatthimadhuka (= Skt. yastimadhuka) the same as ma-
dhulatthika in CHILDERS, P.D., s. v.

6 A detailed narration of the story alluded to in 32. 30.

7 See note to 1. 33. 8 See note to 1. 63.

xxxii. 63 The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven 225

dwelling in Talanga, gave to twelve thousand (bhikkhus) in
Piyahgudipa 1 and then ate of it. The thera Khuddatissa of 53
wondrous power, who dwelt in Mangana, divided it among
sixty thousand (bhikkhus) in the Kelasa (vihara) and then
ate of it himself. The thera Mahavyaggha gave thereof 54
to seven hundred (bhikkhus) in the Ukkanagara- vihara and
then ate of it himself.2

The thera3 who received the food in his dish divided it 55
among twelve thousand bhikkhus in Piyahgudipa and then
ate of it himself/

With such words as these the thera Abhaya gladdened the 56
king's mood, and the king, rejoicing in his heart, spoke thus
to the thera :

'Twenty-four years have I been a patron of the brother- 57
hood, and my body shall also be a patron of the brotherhood.
In a place whence the Great Thupa may be seen, in the 58
malaka4 (bounded about) for the ceremonial acts of the
brotherhood, do ye burn the body of me the servant of
the brotherhood/

To his younger brother he said : ' All the work of the 59
Great Thupa which is still unfinished, do thou complete, my
dear Tissa, caring duly for it. Evening and morning offer 60
thou flowers at the Great Thupa and three times (in the day)
command a solemn oblation at the Great Thupa. All the 61
ceremonies introduced by me in honour of the doctrine of the
Blessed (Buddha) do thou carry on, my dear, stinting nothing.
Never grow weary, my dear, in duty toward the brother- 62
hood.' When he had thus exhorted him, the king fell into
silence.

At this moment the brotherhood of bhikkhus began the 63
chanting in chorus, and the devatas led thither six cars with

1 See note to 24. 25. We cannot establish the identity of Talanga.
TURNOUR (Mah., p. 25) says: 'Singh. Talaguru-wihare in Rohana
not identified.'

2 The geographical names in 53 and 54 cannot be identified.
Kelasa according to 29. 43 was a monastery in India.

3 The allusion in this verse is to the story in 24. 22-31 ; 32. 31-32.

4 See note to 15. 29.

226 Mahavamsa XXXII. 64

64 six gods, and severally the gods implored the king as they
stood in their cars : ' Enter into our delightful celestial world,

0 king/

65 When the king heard their words he stayed them with
a gesture of his hand : ' Wait ye as long as I listen to the

66 dhamma/ Then the bhikkhus thinking : ' He would fain
stop the chanting in chorus/ ceased from their recitations;

67 the king asked the reason of the interruption. ' Because the
sign (to bid us) " be still " was given/ they answered. But
the king said : ' It is not so, venerable sirs/ and he told them
what had passed.

68 When they heard this, certain of the people thought:

1 Seized by the fear of death, he wanders in his speech/ And

69 to banish their doubts the thera Abhaya spoke thus to the
king : * How would it be possible to make known (the presence

70 of) the cars that have been brought hither?' The wise
king commanded that garlands of flowers be flung into the
air, these severally wound themselves around the poles of
the cars and hung loose from them.

71 When the people saw them floating free in the air, they
conquered their doubts ; but the king said to the thera :

72 « Which of the celestial worlds is the most beautiful, venerable
sir ? ' And the other answered : f The city of the Tusitas,1

73 O king, is the fairest; so think the pious. Awaiting the
time when he shall become a Buddha, the compassionate
Bodhisatta Metteyya2 dwells in the Tusita-city.'

74 When the most wise king heard these words of the thera,
he, casting a glance at the Great Thupa, closed his eyes as
he lay.

75 And when he, even at that moment, had passed away, he
was seen, reborn and standing in celestial form in the car

76 that had come from Tusita-heaven. And to make manifest
the reward of the works of merit performed by him he drove,

77 showing himself in all his glory to the people, standing
on the same car, three times around the Great Thupa,

1 See note to 30. 88.

2 Metteyya = Skt. Maitreya is the name of the future Buddha,
successor of the historic Buddha Gotama.

xxxii. 84 The Entrance into the Tusita-Heaven 227

going- to the left, and then, when he had done homage to the
thupa and the brotherhood he passed into the Tusita-heaven.

Even where the dancing- women who had come thither laid 78
off their head -ornaments there was a hall built called Maku-
tamuttasala. Even where the people, when the body of the 79
king was laid on the funeral pyre, broke into wailing there
was the so-called Ravivattisala built.

The malaka outside the precincts (of the monastery), in 80
which they burned the body of the king here bears the name
Rajamalaka.

The great king Dutthagamani, he who is worthy of the 81
name of king, will be the first disciple of the sublime
Metteyya, the king's father (will be) his father1 and the 82
mother his mother.1 The younger brother Saddhatissa will
be his second disciple, but Salirajakumara, the king's son, 83
will be the son of the sublime Metteyya.

He who, holding the good life to be the greatest (good), 84
does works of merit, passes, covering over much that perchance
is evil-doing,2 into heaven as into his own house; therefore
will the wise man continually take delight in works of merit.

Here ends the thirty-second chapter, called ' The Entrance
into the Tusita-heaven ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the
serene joy and emotion of the pious.

1 That is, Metteyya's.

2 Niyatapapakam is that which is certainly or without doubt
evil; aniyatapapakam that which is possibly evil. Here there is
an allusion to the scruples of conscience which the king himself felt
at the close of his warlike career. See 25. 103 foil.

CHAPTER XXXIII

THE TEN KINGS

1 UNDER the rule of the king Dutthagamani the subjects
in the kingdom lived happily ; Salirajakumara was his
famous son.

2 Greatly gifted was he and ever took delight in works of
merit ; he tenderly loved a candala woman of exceedingly

3 great beauty. Since he was greatly enamoured of the Aso-
kamaladevi, who already in a former birth had been his
consort,1 because of her loveliness, he cared nothing for

4 kingly rule. Therefore Dutthaga mani's brother, SADDHA-
TISSA, anointed king after his death, ruled, a peerless (prince),

5 for eighteen years. He finished the work on the parasol,
and the plaster- work and the elephant-wall 2 of the Great

6 Thupa, he who won his name by his faith.3 The magnificent
Lohapasada caught fire from a lamp ; he built the Lohapasada

7 anew, seven stories high. And now was the pasada worth
(only) ninety times a hundred thousand. He built the Dak-

8 khinagiri- vihara 4 and the (vihara) Kallakalena, the Kalam-
baka-vihara, and the (vihara) Pettangavalika, (the viharas)

1 The story is told at length in the Tika. Cf. GEIGER, Dtp. and
Mah., p. 37.

2 Hatthipakara: according to PARKER (Ancient Ceylon, p. 284),
who bases his conjecture on the dimensions of the tiles, the sustaining-
wall of the upper 'pasada' on which are figures of elephants in
relief. The sustaining-wall of the great terrace on which the
Ruwanwseli-dagaba stands is also ornamented with similar figures of
elephants in relief, the forepart of the body jutting out from the
wall (SMITHER, Anurddhapura, p. 40). But this hatthipakara
seems to be of later origin.

* A play on the name Saddhatissa from saddha = faith.

4 A monastery of this name appears also in the Culavamsa, 52. 60.

xxxm. 21 The Ten Kings 229

Velangavitthika,1 Dubbalavapitissaka and Duratissakavapi,2 9
and the Matuviharaka. He also built viharas (from Anura-
dhapura) to Dighavapi, one for every yojana (of the way).

Moreover, he founded the Dighavapi-vihara 3 together 10
with the cetiya; for this cetiya he had a covering of net-
work 4 made set with gems, and in every mesh thereof was 1 1
hung a splendid flower of gold, large as a waggon-wheel,
that he had commanded them to fashion. (In honour) of 12
the eighty-four thousand sections of the dhamma the ruler
commanded also eighty-four thousand offerings. When the 13
king had thus accomplished many works of merit he was
reborn, after his death, among the Tusita gods.

While the great king Saddhatissa lived yet in Dighavapi 14
his eldest son Lafijatissa5 built the beautiful vihara called
Girikumbhila ; and Thulathana, a younger son of this same 1 5
(king), built the vihara called Kandara. When his father 16
(Saddhatissa) went to his brother (Dutthagamani at Anura-
dhapura) Thulathanaka went with him, to bestow land for the
use of the brotherhood upon his vihara.

WThen Saddhatissa died all the counsellors assembled, and 1 7
when they had summoned together the whole brotherhood of
bhikkhus in the Thuparama, they, with the consent of the 18
brotherhood consecrated the prince THULATHANA as king, that
he might take the kingdom under his protection. When
LANJATISSA heard this he came hither,6 overpowered7 him, 19
and took the government upon himself. Only for one month
and ten days had Thulathana been king.

During three years did Lanjatissa use the brotherhood 20
slightingly and neglect them, with the thought : ( They did
not decide according to age/ When, afterwards, he was 21

1 See 37. 48.

2 The tank Duratissa is situated in Rohana not far from Mahagama.
PARKER, I. L, p. 393 foil.

3 See note to 1. 78.

4 The Tika explains nanaratanakacchannam by sattarata-
nakhacitajalam.

8 Lajjitissa or Lanjitissa are variants of this name.

6 That is, to Anuradhapura.

7 Gahetva is, without doubt, an euphemism for ' (having) killed '.

230 Mahavamsa xxxill. 22

reconciled with the brotherhood, the king built, in atonement,

22 spending three hundred thousand (pieces of money), three
stone terraces for offerings of flowers J to the Great Cetiya,
and then did the lord of the land, with (the expense of)

23 a hundred thousand, have the earth heaped up between the
Great Thupa and the Thuparama 2 so that it was level. More-
over, he made a splendid stone mantling to the thupa in the

24 Thuparama, and to the east of the Thuparama a little thupa
built of stones,3 and the Lanjakasana hall for the brotherhood

25 of bhikkhus. Moreover, he had a mantling made of stone
for the Khandhakathupa. When he had spent a hundred

26 thousand for the Cetiya- vihara 4 he commanded that at the
(consecration) festival of the vihara called Girikumbhila the
six garments 5 be distributed to sixty thousand bhikkhus.

27 He built the Arittha-vihara 6 and the (vihara) Kunjarahi-
naka, and to the bhikkhus in the villages he distributed

28 medicines. To the bhikkhunls he ordered to give rice as
much as they wanted. Nine years and one half-month did
he reign here.

29 When Lafijakatissa was dead his younger brother named

30 KHALLATANAGA reigned six years. Round about the Loha-

1 See note to 30. 51.

2 The Thuparama is situated 400 yards north of the Ruwanwseli-

3 PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 297, identifies the thupa called Digha-
thupa in the Dip., with the so-called Khujjatissarama or Sela-
dagaba. But this is not situated to the east (the Mah. has purato
just as the Dip. 20. 11 describes the position of the Dighathupa by
Thuparama-puratthato) but to the south-east of the Thuparama,
and it is twice as far from this latter as from the Ruwanwseli-dagaba,
so that orientation by the last-named, would be much more to the
purpose. SMITHER (Anurddhapum, p. 55) is probably right in the
conjecture that there is a reference in silathupaka to a little stone
dagaba, a sort of model, similar to one that stands on the platform of
the Ruwanwseli-dagaba.

4 The monastery on the Cetiyapabbata or Missaka-mountain. Cf.
note to 20. 16.

6 That is, to each one a pair of the three articles of clothing
(ticlvara), the antaravasaka ' under-garment, shirt', the utta-
rasanga ' robe ', and the samghat! ' mantle '.

8 On the Aritthapabbata, now Ritigala. See note to 10. 63.

xxxni. 42 TJie Ten Kings 231

pasada he built thirty-two exceedingly beautiful (other)
pasadas x to make the Lohapasada yet more splendid. Round 3 1
the Great Thupa, the beautiful Hemamali,2 he made as a
border a court3 (strewn) with sand and a wall. Moreover, he 32
built the Kurundavasoka-vihara, and yet other works of merit
did the king- carry out.

A commander of troops named Kammaharattaka, over- 33
powered the ruler, king Khallatanaga, in the capital itself.
But the king's younger brother named VATTAGAMANI killed 34
the villainous commander and took on himself the govern-
ment. The little son of his brother, king Khallatanaga, 35
whose name was Mahaculika, he took as his son ; and the 36
(child's) mother, Anuladevi, he made his queen. Since
he had thus taken the place of a father they called him
Pitiraja.4

In the fifth month after he was thus anointed king, a young 3 7
brahman named Tissa, in Rohana, in the city (that was the
seat) of his clan,5 hearkened, fool that he was, to the pro- 33
phesying of a brahman and became a rebel, and his following
waxed great. Seven Damilas landed (at the same time) 39
with their troops in Mahatittha.6 Then Tissa the brahman
and the seven Damilas also sent the king a written message 49
concerning the (handing over of the) parasol.7 The sagacious
king sent a written message to Tissa the brahman: 'The 41
kingdom is now thine, conquer thou the Damilas/ He
answered : ' So be it,' and fought a battle with the Damilas,
but they conquered him.

Thereupon the Damilas made war upon the king; in. 42

1 Perhaps dwellings of smaller dimensions, for the bhikkhus.

2 See 15. 167 ; 17. 51 and 27. 3.

3 Literally, a ' sandcourt-boundary '. The allusion is to the so-called
elephant-path that runs all round the terrace of the Ruwanwseli-
dagaba and is bounded on the outside by a wall. On the east, south,
and north it is 97 feet wide, on the west, i.e. at the back, 88| feet,
SMITHER. I. L, p. 41.

4 I.e. 'King father.'

5 I read kulanagare and understand by this Mahagama the
town from which the dynasty of Dutthagamani came.

8 See note to 7. 58. 7 As the symbol of kingly rank.

232 Mahavamsa xxxm. 43

a battle near Kolambalaka l the king- was vanquished. (Near
the gate of the Tittharama he mounted into his car and fled.
But the Tittharama was built by king Pandukabhaya and it

43 had been constantly inhabited under twenty-one kings.) 2 As
a nigantha 3 named Giri saw him take flight he cried out

44 loudly: 'The great black lion is fleeing/ 4 When the great
king heard that he thought thus : ' If my wish be fulfilled
I will build a vihara here.'

45 He took Anuladevi with him, who was with child,
thinking : ' She must be protected/ and Mahacula also and
(his son) the prince Mahanaga, also thinking : ' They must be

46 protected.' But, to lighten the car the king gave to Soma-
devl 5 his splendid diadem-jewel and let her, with her own
consent, descend from the car.

47 When going forth to battle he had set out, full of fears,
taking his little son and his two queens with him. Being

48 vanquished he took flight and, unable to take with him the
almsbowl used by the Conqueror,6 he hid in the Vessagiri-

49 forest.7 When the thera Mahatissa from Kupikkala (vihara)
saw him there, he gave him food, avoiding thereby the giving

50 of an untouched alms.8 Thereon the king, glad at heart,

1 Evidently identical with the Kolambahalaka, mentioned in
25. 80. See the note thereon.

2 The passage enclosed in brackets occurs in all the groups of MSS.
and is also referred to in the Tika. I have omitted the three lines of
verse from the edition, chiefly for reasons of form (see Introduction,
p. xxi) as being a later gloss. The battle took place not far from the
north gate of the city. See also 25. 80 foil, and the note to 33. 81.

3 See note to 10. 97. The name Tittharama alone indicates that
the monastery was inhabited by non-Buddhist monks (tittha=sect).

4 Mahakalasihala is a play on the word siha 'lion' and the
name sihala (Mah. 7. 42).

6 His second wife.

6 According to Mah. 17. 12 foil, it had come to Ceylon as a relic
in the time of king Devanampiyatissa.

7 South of Anuradhapura. See note to 20. 15 on the Vessagiri-vihara.

8 The bhikkhu is not allowed to share with a layman before he
himself has eaten of the food that he has received as alms. So
Mahatissa first ate of the food and then offered some to the king.
SUBHUTI, communication in a letter of Feb. 27, 1903.

xxxili. 64 The Ten Kings 233

recording- it upon a ketaka-leaf,1 allotted lands to his vihara
for the use of the brotherhood. From thence, he went to 51
Silasobbhakandaka 2 and sojourned there ; then he went to
Matuvelahga near Samagalla and there met the thera (Kupik- 52
kalamahatissa) whom he had already seen before. The thera
entrusted the king with due carefulness to Tanasiva, who was
his attendant. Then in the house of this Tanasiva, his subject, 53
the king lived 3 fourteen years, maintained by him.

Of the seven Damilas one, fired with passion for the lovely 54
Somadevi, made her his own and forthwith returned again
to the further coast.4 Another took the almsbowl of the 55
(Master) endowed with the ten miraculous powers, that was
in Anuradhapura, and returned straightway, well contented,
to the other coast.

But the Damila PULAHATTHA reigned three years, making 56
the Damila named Bahiya commander of his troops. BAHIYA 57
slew 5 Pulahattha and reigned two years ; his commander-in-
chief was Panayamara. PANAYAMARAKA slew Bahiya and was 58
king for seven years ; his commander-in-chief was Pilayamara.
PILAYAMARAKA slew Panayamara and was king for seven 59
months; his commander-in-chief was Dathika. And the 60
Damila DATHIKA slew Pilayamara and reigned two years in
Anuradhapura. Thus the time of these five Damila-kings 61
was fourteen years and seven months.

When one day, in Malaya, Anuladevi went to seek 62
her (daily) portion the wife of Tanasiva struck against her
basket with her foot. And she was wroth and came weeping 63
to the king. When Tanasiva heard this he hastened forth
(from the house) grasping his bow. When the king had 64
heard what the queen said, he, ere yet the other came, took

1 Pandanus odoratissimus. As a rule royal donations were recorded
on copper plates or might be on silver and gold plates. GEIGER,
Litteratur und Sprache der Singhalesen, pp. 24-25.

8 Cf. note to 33. 87 ; judging from the Tika we should probably
read °kandakamhi rather than °katakamhi.

3 Tahim = in Malaya, according to 33. 62.

4 That is, he returned oversea to India.
6 Gahetva. Cf. note to 33. 19.

234 Malavamsa xxxill. 65

65 the two boys and his consort and hastened out also. Patting1
the arrow to his bow l the glorious (hero) transfixed Siva 2 as he
came on. The king proclaimed (then) his name and gathered

66 followers around him. He obtained as ministers eight famous
warriors, and great was the following of the king and his
equipment (for war).

67 The famous (king) sought out the thera Mahatissa of
Kupikkala and commanded that a festival in honour of the

68 Buddha be held in the Acchagalla-vihara.3 At the very time
when the minister Kapisisa, having gone up to the courtyard
of the Akasa-cetiya to sweep the building, had come down

69 from thence, the king, who was going up with the queen,
saw him sitting by the road, and being wroth with him that
he had not flung himself down (before him) he slew Kapisisa.

70 Then in anger against the king the other seven ministers
withdrew themselves from him, and going whither it seemed

71 good to them, they were stripped of their possessions by
robbers on the way, and they took refuge in the vihara
Hambugallaka where they sought out the learned thera Tissa.

72 The thera, who was versed in the four nikayas,4 gave them,
as he had received it (as alms), clothing, sugar and oil, arid
rice, too, in sufficing measure.

73 When he had refreshed them the thera asked them :
'Whither are you going ?' They made themselves known

74 to him, and told him this matter. But when they were asked
afterwards: 'With whom will it be possible to further the
doctrine of the Buddha? With the Damilas or with the

75 king?' they answered: ' By the king will this be possible.'
And when they had thus convinced them the two theras,

1 Cf. the Skt. dhanuh samdha in the same sense B.R., Skt. Wtb.,
s. v. dha with sam.

2 A play on the words Sivam and mahasivo.

3 See note to 21. 6. If the Tika is right in placing the Accha-
galla-vihara to the east of Anuradhapura, the akasacetiya
mentioned in verse 68 cannot be identical with that mentioned in
22. 26 (see the note). The site of the latter is, no doubt, in Rohana.

4 I.e. in the four oldest collections of the Sutta-pitaka : Digha-,
Majjhima-, Samyutta- and Anguttara-nikaya.

XXXIIT. 86 The Ten Kings 235

Tissa and Mahatissa, took them forth from thence and brought 76
them to the king- and reconciled them one to another. The
king and the ministers besought the theras saying : ' If our 7 7
undertaking has prospered then must ye come to us, when
a message is sent to you.' The theras agreed and returned
each one to his place.

When the renowned king had come to Anuradhapura and 78
had slain the Damila Dathika he himself assumed the govern-
ment. And forthwith the king destroyed the arama of the 79
niganthas and built there a vihara with twelve cells. When 80
two hundred and seventeen years ten months and ten days
had passed since the founding of the Mahavihara the king, 81
filled with pious zeal, built the Abhayagiri- vihara.1 He sent 82
for the (two) theras, and to the thera Mahatissa, who had
first assisted him of the two, he gave the vihara, to do him
honour. Since the king Abhaya built it2 on the place of the 83
arama of (the nigantha) Giri, the vihara received the name
Abhayagiri.

When he had sent for Somadevi he raised her again to her 84
rank and built, in her honour, the Somarama,3 bearing her
name. For this fair woman, who had alighted from the car 85
at this spot and had concealed herself in a thicket of flowering
Kadambas, saw in that very place a samanera who was relieving 86

1 According to 33. 42-44 the monastery of the niganthas, the
Tittharama stood outside the north gate of Anuradhapura. Since, on
its place the Abhayagiri-vihara was built, it cannot be identical with
the vihara of the dagaba, which is now called the Abhayagiri-dagaba,
but it must be that of the now so-called Jetavana-dagaba. On the
other hand, as we will see below (cf. note to 37. 33), the site of the
Jetavana-vihara must be looked for south of the city where now
the so-called Abhayagiri-dagaba stands. Tradition appears to have
confounded one name with the other. PARKER, Ancient Ceylon,
p. 299 foil.

2 The king's full name was Vattagamani Abhaya.

3 The Somarama or Manisomarama, as the monastery is called
36. 8, 106, 107 (in allusion to the story in 33. 46) after the culamani
entrusted to Somadevi, must be sought near the Abhayagiri-vihara,
perhaps in the place of the building described by SMITHER, Anurd-
dhapura, p. 61, which is popularly designated the ' Queen's Pavilion'.

236 Mahdvamsa XXXIII. 87

his need, using (decently) his hand for concealment. When
the king- heard her story he built a vihara there.

87 To the north of the Mahathupa this same king- founded
upon a lofty spot the cetiya called Silasobbhakandaka.1

88 One of the seven warriors (of the king), Uttiya, built, to

89 the south of the city, the so-called Dakkhina-vihara.2 In the
same place the minister named Mula built the Mulavokasa-

90 vihara, which was, therefore, called after him. The minister
named Saliya built the Saliyarama, and the minister named

91 Pabbata built the Pabbatarama; but the minister Tissa founded
the Uttaratissarama. When the beautiful viharas were com-
pleted they sought out the thera Tissa and gave them to him

92 with these words : ' In gratitude for thy kindness we give
thee these viharas built by us/

93 The thera established sundry bhikkhus everywhere (in these
viharas), according to their rank, and the ministers bestowed
upon the brotherhood the different (things) useful to a samana.

94 The king provided those (bhikkhus) living in his vihara with
the (needful) things for use, so that nothing was lacking:
therefore were they many in number.

95 A thera known by the name Mahatissa, who had frequented
the families of laymen, was expelled by the brotherhood from
our monastery 3 for this fault, the frequenting of lay-families.

96 His disciple, the thera who was known as Bahalamassutissa,
went in anger to the Abhayagiri (vihara) and abode there,

97 forming a (separate) faction. And thenceforward these
bhikkhus came no more to the Mahavihara : thus did the
bhikkhus of the Abhayagiri (vihara) secede from the Thera-

1 The statement as to locality, given in our verse, points, as
PARKER, Ancient Ceylon, p. 311, rightly insists, to the Lankarama-
dagaba, which is situated about a mile north of the Ruwanwaeli-
dagaba. It received this name in remembrance of the place where
Vattagamani had found refuge, according to 33. 51.

a I.e. 'South Monastery.' PARKER, 1. ?., p. 312, identifies the
remains of the thupa belonging to this monastery with the building
south of the Mahavihara, which is called by the people, ' Elara's
sepulchre.' See also note to 35. 5.

3 Ito ' from here' is from the standpoint of the author, ' out of
the Mahavihara.'

xxxiil. 103 The Ten Kings 237

vada. From the monks of the Abhayagiri-vihara those of the 98
Dakkhina-vihara separated (afterwards); in this wise those
bhikkhus (who had seceded) from the adherents of the
Theravada were divided into two (groups).1

He (the king) built the cells of the vihara so that a greater 99
number were joined together, for he reflected : ' In this way it
will be possible to restore them/

The text of the three pitakas and the atthakatha thereon
did the most wise bhikkhus hand down in former times orally,
but since they saw that the people were falling away (from 101
religion) the bhikkhus came together, and in order that the
true doctrine might endure, they wrote them down in books.

Thus did the king Vattagamani-Abhaya reign twelve 102
years, and, at the beginning,2 five months beside.

Thus does the wise man labour, when he comes to rule, for 103
the bliss of others and for his own bliss, but a man without
understanding does not render the possessions which he has
won,3 however great they are, blissful for both, being greedy
of (more) possessions.

Here ends the thirty-third chapter, called ' The Ten Kings ',
in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and emotion
of the pious.

1 After 98 a spurious verse is interpolated : ' To bring prosperity to
the bhikkhus dwelling on the island, who belonged to the great
Abhay a- (giri- community), the lord of the land, Vattagamani, made
over to them the so-called patti.' In 35. 48 patti simply means
'revenue'.

2 That is, before the Damilas dethroned him.

8 Laddhabhogam, according to the Tika stands (metri causa)
for laddha (=labhitva, Skt. labdhva) bhogam. But, I think,
this is not necessary. We have to take laddhabhogam = lad-
dham bhogam and ubhayahitam as predicative object.

CHAPTER XXXIV

THE ELEVEN KINGS

1 AFTER his death MAHACULI MAHATISSA reigned fourteen
years with piety and justice.

2 Since he heard that a gift brought about by the work of
a man's own hand is full of merit, the king, in the very first

3 year (of his reign), went in disguise and laboured in the rice-
harvest, and with the wage that he received for this he gave

4 food as alms to the thera Mahasumma. When the king had
laboured also in Sonnagiri l three years in a sugar-mill, and

5 had received lumps of sugar as wage for this, he took the
lumps of sugar, and being returned to the capital he, the ruler
of the earth, appointed great almsgiving to the brotherhood of

6 bhikkhus. He bestowed clothing on thirty thousand bhikkhus
and the same on twelve thousand bhikkhunis.

7 When the protector of the earth had built a well-planned
vihara, he gave the six garments 2 to sixty thousand bhikkhus

8 and to bhikkhunis likewise, in number thirty thousand. The
same king built the Mandavapi- vihara, the Abhayagallaka

9 (vihara), the (viharas) Vahkavattakagalla and Dlghabahu-
gallaka and the Jalagama-vihara.

10 When the king (inspired) by faith had done works of merit
in many ways he passed into heaven, at the end of the
fourteen years.

1 I.e. 'Gold mountain,' according to the Tika situated near
Ambatthakola. On this see note to 28. 20. The rocky mountain that
rises on the east of Ambatthakola bounding the valley of Nalanda-
Dambul on the west is called Rangala. GEIGER, Ceylon, p. 155;
ED. MULLER, Ancient Inscriptions, p. 36. The Dambulla-caves are
also called Suvannagiri-guha in king Nissanka Malla's inscription,
ED. MULLER, LI., pp. 92, 126.

2 See note to 33. 26.

xxxiv. 27 The Eleven Kings 239

Vattagamanr's son known as CORANAGA lived as a rebel 11
under the rule of Mahacula. When Mahacula had departed 12
he came and reigned. Those places, where he had found
no refuge during the time of his rebellion, eighteen viharas, 1 3
did this fool destroy. Twelve years did Coranaga reign.
And eating poisoned (food) that his consort gave him the 14
evildoer died and was reborn in the Lokantarika-hell.

After his death king Mahacula's son ruled three years as 15
king, being known by name TISSA. But Coranaga's spouse, 16
the infamous Anula, had done her infamous (consort) to death,
giving him poison, because she was enamoured of one of the
palace-guards. And for love of this same palace-guard Anula 1 7
now killed Tissa also by poison and gave the government
into the hands of that other.

When the palace-guard, whose name was SIVA, and who 18
(had been) the first of the gate-watchmen, had made Anula
his queen he reigned a year and two months in the city ; but 1 9
Anula, who was enamoured of the Damila Vatuka, did him
to death with poison and gave the reign to Vatuka. The 20
Damila VATUKA, who had been a city-carpenter in the capital,
made Anula his queen and then reigned a year and two 21
months in the city.

But when Anula (one day) saw a wood-carrier, who had come
to the house, she fell in love with him, and when she had 22
killed Vatuka with poison she gave the government into his
hands. TISSA, the wood-carrier, when he had made Anula
his queen, ruled one year and one month in the city. In haste 23
he had a bathing-tank made in the Mahameghavana. But 24
Anula, enslaved by passion for a Damila named Niliya, a
brahman who was the palace-priest, and eager to be united
with him, did Tissa the wood-carrier to death giving him 25
poison and gave the government into (Niliya's) hands. And
the brahman NILIYA also made her his queen and reigned, 26
upheld constantly by her, six months here in Anuradhapura.
When the princess Anula (who desired to take her pleasure 27
even as she listed with thirty-two of the palace-guards) x had

1 The passage enclosed in brackets occurs in all the groups of
MSS., but seems, as it interferes with the division of the slokas,

240 Mahavavnsa xxxiv. 28

put to death Niliya also with poison, the queen ANULA herself,
reigned four months.

28 But king- Mahaculika's second son, named KUTAKANNA-

29 TISSA, who had fled from fear of Anula and had taken the
pabbajja returned hither when, in time, he had gathered an

30 army together, and when he had slain the wicked Anula he,
the ruler of men, reigned twenty-two years. He built upon
the Cetiya-mountain a great building for the uposatha-

3 1 festival and to the east of this building he raised a thupa of
stone, and in that same place on the Cetiya-mountain he
planted a bodhi-tree.

32 In the region between the rivers he founded the Pelagama-
vihara and in the same place (he made) a great canal called

33 Vannaka and the great Ambadugga-tank and the Bhayo-
luppala,1 and moreover (he made) around the city a wall seven

34 cubits high and a trench. When he had burned the licen-
tious Anula in the palace (upon the funeral pyre), he, with-
drawing a little (distance) from thence, built a new palace.

35 In the city itself he laid out the Padumassara-park. His
mother entered the order of the doctrine of the Conqueror

36 when she had just cleansed her teeth. On a plot for building2
belonging to his family he founded a nunnery for his mother :
and this was therefore known by name Dantageha.3

37 After his death his son, the prince named BHATIKABHAYA,

38 reigned twenty-eight years. Since he, the pious ruler of the
earth, was the brother of king Mahadathika he was known

39 on the island by the name Bhatikaraja. Here 4 did he carry
out the work of repairing the Lohapasada and built two

to be a later addition. (See Mah. ed., Introduction, p. xxi.) kattum
in kattukama is a pregnant expression for samvasam kattum.

1 We fail to establish the names here because we do not know
what is meant by antaragangaya. The expression hardly denotes
the delta of a river, but perhaps rather the region between Amban-
ganga and Mahawaeliganga.

2 Lit. 'place for a house.' I read kulasante. The Tika, too,
renders its kulayatte by kulasantake.

3 Lit. ' Tooth -house/

4 I.e. in Anuradhapura.

xxxiv. 50 The Eleven Kings 241

vedikas for the Mahathupa, and the (hall) called the Uposatha
(-hall) in the (vihara) named after the thupa.1

And doing- away with the tax appointed for himself he 40
planted sumana and ujjuka-flowers 2 over a yojana of land
round the city. And when the king had commanded that 41
the Great Cetiya, from the vedika at the foot to the parasol at
the top, be plastered with (a paste of) sweet-smelling unguent 42
four fingers thick and that flowers be carefully embedded
therein by their stalks, he made the thupa even as a globe of
flowers. Another time he commanded them to plaster the 43
cetiya with (a paste of) minium eight fingers thick, and thus
he changed it into a heap of flowers. Yet another time 44
he commanded that the cetiya be strewn with flowers from
the steps 3 to the parasol on the top, and thus he covered it
over with a mass of blossoms. Then when he had raised 45
water by means of machines from the Abhaya-tank he, by
pouring- (masses of) water over the thupa, carried out a water-
offering. From a hundred waggon-loads of pearls, he, 46
bidding that the mass of plaster be carefully kneaded together
with oil, made a plaster-covering (for the Great Thupa). He 47
had a net of coral prepared and cast over the cetiya, and
when he had commanded them to fasten in the meshes thereof
lotus-flowers of gold large as waggon-wheels, and to hang 43
clusters of pearls on these that reached to the lotus-flower
beneath, he worshipped the Great Thupa with this offering.

When he heard one day in the relic-chamber the sound of 49
the arahants 4 chanting in chorus he made the resolve : ' I will
not rise up till I have seen it,' and fasting he lay down at 50
the foot of the stone-pillar on the east side.5 The theras
created a door for him and brought him into the relic-

1 I.e. in the Thuparama.

2 Tika: mahasumanani ca ujjakasumanani ca, namely two
kinds of jasmine.

3 The steps form the ascent from the 'elephant-path* (cf. note to
33. 31) to the great terrace, on which the cetiya stands.

4 Tadi is a synonym of araha.

5 The Tika paraphrases pacinaddikamulamhi with pacinaad-
dikassasamipe, pacinadisayasilatthambhaussapitatthane.

242 Mahavamsa xxxiv. 51

51 chamber. When the ruler of the earth had beheld all the
adornment of the relic-chamber he went forth and made an
offering of figures modelled with clay in close likeness to
those (within).

52 With honeycombs, with perfumes, with vases (filled with
flowers), and with essences, with auri-pigment (prepared) as

53 unguent and minium ; with lotus-flowers arrayed in minium
that lay ankle-deep in the courtyard of the cetiya, where they

54 had poured it molten; with lotus-flowers that were fastened
in the holes of mattings, spread on fragrant earth, wherewith

55, the whole courtyard of the cetiya was filled; with many
lighted lamps, prepared with wicks made of strips of stuff in
clarified butter, which had likewise been poured (into the

56 courtyard) when the ways for the outflow had been closed up ;
and in like manner with many lamps with stuff- wicks in

57 madhuka-oil1 and sesamum-oil besides; with these things, as
they were named, the prince commanded severally with each
seven times offerings for the Great Thupa.

58 And moreover, urged by faith, he ordered year by year
perpetually a great festival (for the renewing) of the plaster-
work ; and festivals also of the great Bodhi-tree (in honour)

50 of the watering of the Bodhi-tree, and furthermore twenty-
eight great Vesakha-festivals 2 and eighty-four thousand lesser

60 festivals, and also divers mimic dances and concerts, with the
playing of all kinds of instruments of music (in honour) of

61 the Great Thupa. Three times a day he went to do homage to
the Buddha and he commanded (them to give) twice (a day)
continually (the offering known as) the ' flower-drum '.3

62 And he continually gave alms at the preaching 4 and alms at
the pavarana-ceremony, and (distributed) also, in abundance,
the things needed for the ascetic, such as oil, molasses,

1 Oil pressed from the seeds of the Bassia Latifolia. The MSS. all
have raadhuka, and this should be the reading. In Skt. also the
form madhuka exists beside madhuka.

2 See note to 32. 35.

8 Tika : divasassa dvisu varesu niyatam pupphapujam ca
akarayi.

4 Very doubtful. The MSS. support the reading chandadanam.
Perhaps ch an da is here a synonym of sajjhaya.

xxxiv. 73 Hie Eleven Kings 243

garments and so forth among the brotherhood. Moreover, G3
the prince bestowed everywhere land for the cetiyas, to the end
that the cetiyas might be kept in repair. And constantly the 04
king bestowed food (as alms allotted) by tickets l to a thousand
bhikkhus in the vihara (of the) Cetiya-pabbata. At five spots, 65
namely, the three receiving-places,2 called Citta, Mani, and
Mucala, as also in the Paduma-house and the beautiful Chatta-
pfisada, offering hospitality to the bhikkhus who were harnessed 66
to the yoke of the sacred word he provided them always with
all that was needful, being filled with reverence for the
religion. Moreover, all those works of merit which had been 67
ordered by the kings of old regarding the doctrine, all these
did king Bhatika carry out.

After the death of Bhatikaraja his younger brother named 68
MAHADATHIKAMAHANAGA reigned twelve years, intent on 69
works of merit of many kinds. He had kincikkha-stones3 laid
as plaster on (the square of) the Great Thupa and he turned 70
the sand-pathway round (the thupa) 4 into a wide court ; in
all the viharas he had (raised) chairs put up for the preachers.
The king built the great Ambatthala-thupa; 5 since the 71
building was not firm he lay down in that place, bethinking
him of the merit of the Sage (Buddha), risking his own life.6 72
When he had thus made the building firm and had completed
the cetiya he set up at the four entrances four bejewelled 73
arches that had been well planned by artists and shone with

1 Salakavattabhatta, see note to 15. 205.

2 Upatthana is 'attendance, service'. Thus the allusion is to
a place where people waited on the monks to offer gifts. The Tika
calls the three places which are said to have been in the interior of
the royal palace, Cittupatthanapasada, Maniupatthanapasada, and
Mucalupatthanapasada.

3 Cf. Skt. k in j a Ik a ' stamens of the lotus-blossom '. CHILDERS,
P.D., s. v. 'Kinjakkhapasano appears to be some sort of marble or
other ornamental stone '. ;

4 On the valikamariyada see note to 33. 31.

5 On the Cetiya-pabbata (Mihintale). See PARKER, Ancient Ceylon,
pp. 320-322. Cf. 13. 20.

6 He ran a risk of being killed by falling stones during his
meditation. , . ..

R 2

244 Mahavamsa xxxiv. 74

74 gems of every kind. To be fastened to the cetiya he spent
a cover (for it) of red stuff and golden balls thereto and
festoons of pearls.1

75 When he had made ready around the Cetiya-mountain a
(tract of land measuring a) yojana, and had made four gateways

76 and a beautiful road round about (the mountain), and when
he had then set up (traders') shops on both sides of the road
and had adorned (the road) here and there with flags, arches,

77 and triumphal gates, and had illuminated all with chains of

78 lamps, he commanded mimic dances, songs, and music. That
the people might go with clean feet on the road from the
Kadamba-river to the Cetiya-rnountain he had it laid with

79 carpets — the gods themselves might hold a festival assembly *
there with dance and music — and he gave great largess at the

80 four gates of the capital. Over the whole island he put up
chains of lamps without a break, nay over the waters of the

81 ocean within a distance of a yojana around. At the festival
of (consecrating of) the cetiya these beautiful offerings were
appointed by him : the splendid feast is called here (in the
country) the great Giribhanda-offering.

82 When the lord of the earth had commanded almsgiving in
eight places to the bhikkhus who were come together in the

83 festal assembly, he, with the beating of eight golden drums
that were set up even there, allotted lavish gifts to twenty-four

84 thousand (bhikkhus). He distributed the six garments, com-
manded the remission of the prison-penalties and he ordered
the barbers to carry on their trade continually at the four

85 gates. Moreover, all those works of merit that had been
decreed by the kings of old and that had also been decreed by
his brother, those did he carry out without neglecting any-

86 thing. He gave himself and the queen, his two sons,2 his
state-elephant and his state horse to the brotherhood as their
own, albeit the brotherhood forbade him.

87 To the brotherhood of the bhikkhus he gave gifts worth
six hundred thousand, but to the company of bhikkhunls

88 (such gifts) worth a hundred thousand, and in giving them,

1 On samajja see HARDY in Album Kern, p. 61 foil.
8 Amandagamani Abhaya and Tissa.

xxxiv. 94 TJie Eleven Kings 245

with knowledge of the custom, various possessions suited
(to their needs) he redeemed (again) himself and the rest from
the brotherhood. In Killayanakannika the ruler of men built 89
the (vihara) called Maninagapabbata and the vihara which was
called Kalanda, furthermore on the bank of the Kubukanda- 90
river the Samudda-vihara and in Huvucakannika l the
vihara that bore the name Culanagapabbata. Delighted with 91
the service rendered him in the vihara that he himself had
built, called Pasanadipaka, by a samanera who had given him
a draught of water, the king bestowed on that vihara (a tract 92
of land) in measure half a yojana round about, for the use of
the brotherhood. And rejoicing likewise at (the behaviour of) 93
a samanera in the Mandavapi-vihara the prince gave land for
the use of the brotherhood to this vihara.

Thus men of good understanding, who have conquered 94
pride and indolence, and have freed themselves from the
attachment to lust, when they have attained to great power,
without working harm to the people, delighting in deeds of
merit, rejoicing in faith, do many and various pious works.

Here ends the thirty-fourth chapter, called 'The Eleven
Kings ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.

1 According to the Tika a district in Rohana.

CHAPTEE XXXV

THE TWELVE KINGS

1 AFTER Mahadathika's death AMANDAGAMANI ABHAYA, his
son, reigned nine years and eight months. On the splendid

2 Great Thupa he caused to be made a parasol above the parasol,1
and he built even there a vedi at the base and at the top.

3 And in like manner he made an inner courtyard and an inner
verandah 2 to the Lohapasada and to the (building) called the

4 Uposatha (house) of the Thuparama. Moreover, for both he
built a beautiful pavilion adorned with precious stones; and

5 the ruler of men also built the Rajatalena-vihara.3 When he
had made the Mahagamendi-tank on the south side (of Anura-
dhapura), he, who was clever in works of merit, bestowed it

6 on the Dakkhina-vihara.4 On the whole island the ruler of
men commanded not to kill. All kinds of vine-fruits did he

7 plant in divers places, and the king Amandiya, filling the
almsbowls with the fruit called ' flesh-melons ',5 and bestowing

8 garments as a support (for the bowls) he gave o£ these, with
believing heart, to the whole brotherhood ; because he had

1 I. e. he heightened the cone crowning the thupa at the top.

2 For ajira cf. Abhidhanappadipika 218 (ajira=Skt. ajira 'court-
yard'). Alinda is the terrace before the house-door, as is evident
from D. I. 89SO, 34. See also the passages M.V. VI. 36. 4, and C.V. VI.
3. 5 and 14. 1. (Fin. Pit., ed. OLDENBERG, i. 2482, ii. 1533, 16925.)

3 Now Ridi-vibara, see note to 28. 20.

4 Cf. note to 33. 88. The Mahagamendi-vapi will probably be the
smaller tank which is in the immediate neighbourhood of the ruins
of the monastery. Note the play on the words punnadakkhino
and dakkhinassa viharassa.

5 Kumbhandaka is, according to Abhidh. 1030, a creeping-plant
which (according to SUBHUTI) is now called in Sinh. puhul 'pump-
kin gourd '. Evidently mamsak0 is a particular variety. Since our
text connects the king's name with it, a man da, which elsewhere means
the ricinus plant, seems to be a synonym of the above-mentioned.

xxxv. 21 The Twelve Kings 247

filled the almsbowls (with them) he received the name
Amandagamani.

His younger brother, the prince KANIRAJANUTISSA, reigned 9
three years in the city, when he had slain his brother. He 10
decided the lawsuit concerning the uposatha-house in the
(vihara) named after the cetiya,1 but sixty bhikkhns who were
involved in the crime of high treason did the king order to be 1 1
taken captive, with all that was theirs,2 upon the Cetiya-
pabbata, and he commanded these evildoers to be flung into
the caves called Kanira.

After Kanirajanu's death Amanrjagamani's son, the prince 12
CULABHAYA, reigned a year. The king built the Culagallaka- 13
vihara on the bank of the Gonaka-river 3 to the south of the
capital.

After the death of Culabhaya his younger sister SIVAL!, 14
the daughter of Amanda, reigned four months. But Amanda's 1 5
nephew named ILANAGA dethroned Sivali and raised the
parasol (of sovereignty) in the capital. When, one day, in the 16
first year (of his reign), the king went to the Tissa-tank, many
of the Lambalvannas 4 deserted him and went back to the capital.
When the king saw them not he was wroth and (in punishment) 1 7
he ordered that they, even they themselves, should make
a road to the Mahathupa, commanding to stamp it down
firmly, where it ran beside the tank, and he set candalas 18
to be their overseers. And full of anger because of this the
Lambakannas came together, and when they had taken the 19
king captive and imprisoned him in his palace they themselves
administered the government; but the king's consort put
festal garments on her little son the prince Cancjamukhasiva, 20
gave him into the hands of the serving-women and sent him
to the state-elephant, charging (the attendants) with a message. 21

1 Judging from the expression used (cf. 34. 39) the Thuparama
must be meant. Cetiya = thupa.

2 See note to 23. 11.

3 This is, no doubt, the correct reading. The Gona-nadi is the
river now called Kalu-oya. By banking it up king Dhatusena con-
structed the Kala-vapi (Kaluwaewa), Culavamsa 38. 42.

4 An important clan in Lanka.

248 Mahavamsa XXXV. 22

The serving-women conveyed him thither and gave the state-

22 elephant the queen's whole message : ' This is thy lord's son;
thy lord is in prison ; better is it for this (boy) to meet his

23 death by thee than by the enemies; then slay thou him : that
is the queen's command/ With these words they laid him

24 down at the elephant's feet. And for grief the elephant
began to shed tears, and breaking to pieces the posts (to
which he was chained) he pressed forward into the palace and

25 dashed against the gate with fury, and when he had broken
down the door 1 in the room where the king sat, he made him

26 mount upon his back and went towards Mahatittha. There the
elephant made the king embark on a ship (that brought him)
to the western shore of the sea; he himself went toward Malaya.

2 7 When the king had stayed three years on the other coast he

28 raised an army and went by ship to Rohana. Having landed
at the haven Sakkharasobbha the king assembled there in

29 Rohana a mighty force. Then came the king's state-elephant
forthwith out of the southern Malaya to Rohana to do him

30 service. As he had heard there the Kapi-jataka2 from the
great thera, the preacher of jatakas, named Mahapaduma, who

31 dwelt in the (vihara) called Tuladhara, he, being won to faith
in the Bodhisatta, restored the Nagamahavihara and gave it

32 the extension of a hundred unbent bows in length,3 and he
enlarged the thupa even to what it has been (since then) ;
moreover, he made the Tissa-tank 4 and the tank called Dura.5

33 When the king had raised an army he marched to battle;
when the Lambakannas heard this they also prepared them-

34 selves for battle. Near the gate of Kapallakkhanda on the

1 While dvara means the principal gate of a building, kava-
tani are the doors of the separate rooms in the interior. See S.B.E.
xx. p. 160, n. 3.

a Two jatakas bear this title, in FAUSBOLL'S edition, ii, pp. 268-270
and iii, pp. 355-358.

3 Dhanuisa measure of length equal to about 8 feet. PARKER,
Ancient Ceylon, p. 274.

4 In the neighbourhood of Mahagama, PARKER, I. L, p. 388 foil.

8 Probably the Duratissa-vapi, to which Saddhatissa, according to
Mah. 33. 8, built a monastery. Karesi here means, I presume, 'to
restore ' not * to build '.

xxxv. 48 The Twelve Kings 249

field of Harikarapitthi was waged the battle between the two
(armies) that brought destruction to both.

Since their bodies were exhausted by the sea- journey, the 35
king's men yielded their ground, therefore the king pro-
claimed his name and pressed forward. Terrified thereat 36
the Lambakannas threw themselves down upon their belly,
and they hewed off their heads and heaped them up high as
the nave of the (king's) waggon- wheel, and when this had 37
come to pass three times the king, from pity, said : ' Slay them
not, but take them captive living/

When then the king had come into the capital as victor in 38
battle and had raised the parasol (of sovereignty) he went to
a festival at the Tissa-tank.1 And when he, fully arrayed in 39
his ornaments and armour, had withdrawn from the water-
sports and reflected on the good-fortune that he had attained,
and thought of the Lambakannas who had opposed his progress, 40
he was wroth and commanded that they be yoked two and
two behind one another to his car, and thus did he enter
the city in front of them. Halting on the threshold of the 41
palace the king gave the command : ' Here on this threshold,
soldiers, strike off their heads/ £ These are but oxen yoked to 42
thy chariot, O lord of chariots ; therefore let their horns
and hoofs be struck off/ thus admonished by his mother the 43
king recalled (the order) to behead them and commanded that
their nose and toes be cut off. The district where the elephant 44
had stayed the prince allotted to the elephant ; and therefore
the tract is called Hatthibhoga.2

So Ilanaga, ruler of the earth, reigned full six years as king 45
in Anuradhapura.

After the death of Ilanaga his son CANDAMUKHA SIVA 46
reigned eight years and seven months as king.

When the lord of the earth had constructed a tank near 47
Manikaragamaka he gave it to the vihara called Issara-
samana. This king's consort who was known by the name 48
DamiladevT, allotted her own revenues from that village to the
same vihara.

1 Cf. with this 26. 6-7.

2 I.e. 'the elephant's usufruct, the elephant's fief.'

250 Maliavamsa, xxxv. 49

49 Having slain Candamukha Siva in the festival-sports at
the Tissa-tank his younger brother, known by the name

50 YASALALAKATISSA, reigned as king in delightful Anuradhapura,
the fair face of Lanka, seven years and eight months.

51 Now a son of Datta the gate-watchman, named Subha,
who was himself a gate-watchman, bore a close likeness to

52 the king. And this palace-guard Subha did the king Yasala-
laka, in jest, bedeck with the royal ornaments and place upon

53 the throne and binding the guard's turban about his own head,
and taking himself his place, staff in hand, at the gate,

54 he made merry over the ministers as they paid homage to
(Subha) sitting on the throne. Thus was he wont to do,
from time to time.

55 Now one day the guard cried out to the king, who was
laughing : ' Why does this guard laugh in my presence ? '

56 And SUBHA the guard ordered to slay the king, and he him-
self reigned here six years under the name Subharaja.

57 In both the great viharas1 Subharaja built a noble row of

58 cells called Subharaja after him. Near Uruvela (he built)
the Valli- vihara, to the east the (vihara) Ekadvara and at the
mouth of the Gahga 2 the (vihara) Nandigamaka.

59 One sprung of the Lambakanna (clan), named Vasabha,
whose home was in the northern province, served under his

60 uncle, a commander of troops. Since it was declared : 3 * One
named Vasabha shall be king/ the king at that time com-
manded that all in the island who bore the name of Vasabha

61 should be slain. The commander, thinking: 'We must
deliver up our Vasabha to the king/ and having taken
counsel with his wife (upon the matter) set out early in the

62 morning to go to the king's residence. And the wife, to
guard Vasabha carefully who went with him, put betel into
his hand but without powdered chalk.4

1 According to the Tika Abhayagiri and Mahavihara.

2 Gangante, by Ganga we should probably understand the Maha-
wseliganga. The Tika has KacchakanadUire. Kacchaka is the name
of a ford in the Mahawaeliganga (see note to 10. 58).

s According to the Tika Yasalalaka was said to have uttered a similar
prophecy publicly.

4 Betel is chewed with powdered chalk (cunna, Sinh. hunu).

xxxv. 75 The Twelve Kings 251

Now when the commander, at the gate of the palace, saw 63
the betel without chalk, he sent him back for chalk. When 64
Vasabha came for the chalk the commander's wife spoke with
him secretly, gave him a thousand (pieces of money) and aided
him to take flight. Vasabha went to the Mahavihara and by 65
the theras there was provided with milk, food and clothes, and 6G
when he had again heard from a leper the certain prophecy
that he would be king, rejoicing he resolved : ' I will be a
rebel/ And when he had found men suited (to his purpose) 67
he went, seizing in his further course village by village,
according to the instruction (in the story) of the cake,1 to
Rohana, and gradually winning the kingdom to himself he 68
advanced, after two years, with the needful army and train,
towards the capital. When the mighty VASABHA had con- 69
quered Subharaja in battle he raised the parasol (of sovereignty)
in the capital. His uncle had fallen in battle. But his 70
uncle's wife, named Pottha, who had first helped him, did
king Vasabha raise to be queen.

Once he questioned a soothsayer concerning the length of 71
his life, and he told him secretly (that he should live) just
twelve years. And when he had given him a thousand 72
(pieces of money) to keep the secret the king assembled the
brotherhood and greeted them reverently and asked them :
e Is there perchance, venerable sirs, a means to lengthen life ? ' 73
( There is/ so did the brotherhood teach him, ' a way to do
away with the hindrances (to long life) ; gifts of strainers 2 74
must be given and gifts of dwellings and gifts for main-
tenance of the sick, O ruler of men, and in like manner the 75
restoring of ruined buildings must be carried out ; one should
take the five precepts on himself and keep them carefully,

1 The story of Candagutta and the kapallapuva is to be found in
Mah. Tika, p. 1234 foil. : cf. GEIGER, Dip. andMah., pp. 39-40 ; RHYS
DAVIDS, Buddhist India, p. 269 ; JACOBI, Hemacandras Parisista-
parvan, viii. 290- 296 ; preface, p. 58.

2 The parissavana is among the requisites of the bhikkhu : its
use is for straining water so that he who is drinking shall not swallow
some living creature who may perhaps be in it.

252 Mahavamsa xxxv. 76

76 and one should also keep the solemn fast on the uposatha-
day/ The king said : ' It is well/ and went thence and
carried out all these (duties).

77 Every three years that went by the king bestowed the

78 three garments on the whole brotherhood in the island; and
to those theras that lived far away he sent them. In thirty-
two places he ordered milk-rice with honey to be distributed,

79 but in sixty-four places a lavish gift of mixed alms.

He had a thousand lamps lighted in four places ; that is,

80 on the Cetiya-pabbata, about the cetiya in the Thuparama,
about the Great Thupa and in the temple of the great
Bodhi-tree.

81 In the Cittalakuta (vihara) l he built ten beautiful thupas

82 and over the whole island he restored ruined buildings. From
pious trust in a thera in the Valliyera-vihara he built the vihara

83 called Mahavalligotta. And (moreover) he built the Anura-
rama (vihara) near Mahagama and bestowed on it a thousand

84 and eight karisa2 (of land) of (the village) Heligama. "When
he had built the Mucela- vihara 3 in T issavaddhamanaka 4 he
allotted to the vihara a share in the water of the (canal) Alisara.

85 To the thupa in Galambatittha he added a mantling of bricks,
and he built an uposatha-house too, and to provide oil for

86 the lamps he constructed a pond (yielding water to) a thousand
karisa (of land) 5 and gave it to the (vihara). In the Kumbhi-

87 gallaka-vihara he built an uposatha-house. In like manner
the king built an uposatha-house in the Issarasamanaka

88 (vihara) 6 here and in the Thuparama a thupa-temple. In
the Mahavihara he built a row of cells facing the west, and

89 he restored the ruined Catussala (hall). In like manner the
same king made four beautiful Buddha-images and a temple
for the images in the fair courtyard of the great Bodhi-tree.

90 The king's consort, named Pottha, built in that same

1 The same as Cittalapabbata, see note to 22. 23.

2 Tika: atthuttaram karisasahassakam.

3 According to the Tika situated puratthimadisabhage.

4 Cf. 37. 48.

6 In TURNOUR'S view sahassakarisa is the name of the pond.
6 Cf. note to 19. 61.

xxxv. 102 The Twelve Kings 253

place a splendid thupa and a beautiful temple for the thupa.
When the king- had completed the thupa-temple in the 91
Thuparama he commanded lavish almsgiving for the festival
of its completion. Among those bhikkhus who were busied 92
with (the learning of) the word of the Buddha he distributed
the things needed (by bhikkhus), and among the bhikkhus
who explained the doctrine butter and sugar-molasses. At 93
the four gates of the city he had food given away to the poor
and, to such bhikkhus who were sick, food suited to the sick.
The CayantI1 and the Rajuppala-tank, the Vaha and the 94
Kolambagamaka, the Mahanikkhavatti-tank and the Mahara-
metti, the Kohala2 and the Kali-tank/ the Cambuti, the 95
Cathamahgana and the Aggivaddhamanaka : 4 these twelve
tanks and twelve canals he constructed, to make (the land) 96
fruitful. For safety he built up the city wall even so high
(as it now is)5 and he built fortress-towers at the four gates 97
and a palace besides ; in the garden he made a tank and put
geese therein.6

When the king had constructed many bathing-tanks here 98
and there in the capital he brought water to them by subter-
ranean canals. And in this way carrying out various works 99
of merit king Vasabha did away with the hindrances (to
long life), and delighting perpetually in well doing he reigned loo
forty-four years in the capital. He appointed also forty-
four Vesakha-festivals.7

Subharfija while he yet lived had anxiously, for fear of 101
Vasabha, entrusted his daughter to a brick-worker and had 102

1 The names are extraordinarily erratic in the MSS. This adds
greatly to the difficulty of identifying the separate tanks.

2 The Tika has Kehala and places the tank near Titthapattana.

3 The Tika reads Kelivasam ca instead of Kalivapim ca.

4 See WICKREMASINGHE, Epigraphia Zeylanica, i, p. 211.

5 The Tika gives the height of 18 cubits (attharasahatthappa-
manam) = about 25-27 feet.

6 I do not believe that we need have recourse to the translation
'swan' or 'flamingo'. The goose is a sacred bird to the Buddhists
and appears frequently on the monuments of Ceylon.

7 See 1. 12 and 32. 35 with note.

254 Mahavamsa XXXV. 103

at the same time given into his care his mantle and the royal
insignia. When he was killed by Vasabha the brick-worker

103 took her with him, put her in the place of a daughter, and
brought her up in his own house. When he was at work the
girl used to bring him his food.

104 When (one day) in a thicket of flowering kadambas, she
saw an (ascetic) who was in the seventh day of the state of

105 nirodha,1 she the wise (maiden) gave him the food. When
she had then prepared food afresh she carried the food to her
father, and when she was asked the cause of the delay she

106 told her father this matter. And full of joy he bade (her)
offer food repeatedly to the thera. When the thera had
come out (of his trance) he said to the maiden, looking into

107 the future: 'When royal rank has fallen to thy lot then
bethink thee, O maiden, of this place/ And forthwith the
thera died.

108 Now did king Vasabha when his son Vahkanasikatissa had

109 come to (full) age seek a fitting wife for him. When those
people who understood the (auspicious) signs in women saw

110 the maiden in the brick- worker's village they told the king •
the king thereon was about to send for her. And now the

111 brick- worker told him that she was a king's daughter, but
that she was the daughter of Subharaja he showed by the
mantle and so forth. Rejoiced the king gave her (in marriage)
to his son when all had been duly provided.2

112 After Vasabha's death his son VANKANASIKATISSAKA reigned

113 three years in Anuradhapura. On the bank of the Gona-
river the king Vahkanasikatissaka built the vihara called

114 Mahamangala. But his consort Mahamatta collected money
to build a vihara, bethinking her of the thera's words.

1 1 5 After Vahkanasikatissa's death his son GAJABAHUKAGAMANI

1 Nirodha or samnavedayitanirodha is a state of trance,
cessation of consciousness. KERN, Manual, pp. 55, 57. If the state
lasts over seven days it ends in death.

2 Skt. krtamangala (f. a) means a person over whom prayers
have been pronounced or who is arrayed with the auspicious things
for some undertaking. B.R., Skt. Wtb., s. v. mangala. The pali
k ataman gala must be taken in the same sense.

xxxv. 127 The Twelve Kings 255

reigned twenty-two years. Hearkening to his mother's word 116
the king founded the Matuvihara on the place of the thicket
of flowering kadambas, in honour of his mother. His wise 117
mother gave to the great vihara a hundred thousand (pieces
of money) for the plot of land and built the vihara ; l he 1 1 8
himself built a thupa of stone there and gave (land) for the
use of the brotherhood, when he had bought it from various
owners.

He erected the great Abhayuttara-thupa, making it greater, 119
and to the four gates thereof he made vestibules. When the 120
king had made the Gamanitissa-tank he bestowed it on the
Abhayagiri- vihara for maintenance in food. He made a mant- 121
ling to the Maricavatti-thupa and gave (land) thereto for
the use of the brotherhood, having bought it for a hundred
thousand (pieces of money). In the last year he founded the 122
vihara called Ramuka and built in the city the Mahejasana-
sala (hall).

After Gajabahu's death the king's father-in-law MAHAL- 123
LAKA NAGA reigned six years. (The viharas) Sejalaka in 124
the east, Gotapabbata in the south, Dakapasana in the west,
in Nagadlpa Salipabbata, in Bfjagama Tanaveli, in the 125
country of Rohana Tobbalanagapabbata, in the inland country
Girihalika: these seven viharas did the king Mahallanaga, 126
ruler of the earth, build in the time (of his reign), short
though it was.

In this way do the wise, doing many works of merit, gain 127
with worthless riches that which is precious, but fools in
their blindness, for the sake of pleasures, do much evil.

Here ends the thirty-fifth chapter, called ' The Twelve
Kings', in the Mahavamsa. compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.

1 The meaning plainly is that the mother and son jointly founded
the vihara. In 116 it is said, in a general way, that the king together
with his mother, founded the Matuvihara. How the undertaking
was shared is explained in 117 and 118. The mother buys the plot
of land and constructs the monastery buildings ; the son builds the
thupa and presents the necessary lands for the maintenance of the
inmates of the monastery.

CHAPTEE XXXVI

THE THIRTEEN KINGS

1 AFTER the death of Mahallanaga his son BHATIKATISSAKA

2 reigned twenty-four years in Lanka. He built a wall around
the Mahavihara. When the king- had built the Gavaratissa-

3 vihara he made the Mahamani-tank and gave it to the vihfira.

4 Moreover, he built the vihara called Bhatikatissa. He built
an uposatha-house in the beautiful Thuparama; the king

5 also made the Randhakandaka-tank. Filled with tenderness
towards beings and zealous in reverencing the brotherhood
the protector of the earth commanded lavish almsgiving to
the community of both sexes.

6 After the death of Bhatikatissa (his younger brother)
KANITTHATISSAKA l reigned eighteen years in the island of

7 Lanka. Since he was well pleased with the thera Mahanaga
in the Bhutarama he built for him in splendid fashion the

8 Ratanapasada in the Abhayagiri. Moreover, he built in the
Abhayagiri a wall and a great parivena and a great parivena

9 besides in the (vihara) called Manisoma.2 In that place he
built a temple for the cetiya and in like manner for the
Ambatthala-thupa ; and (he ordered) the restoration of the

10 temple in Nagadipa. Doing away with the boundary of the
Mahavihara, the king built there the row of cells (called)

11 Kukkutagiri with all things provided. In the Mahavihara
the ruler of men built twelve great four-sided pasadas,

12 admirable to see and beautiful, and he added a mantling to
the thupa of the Dakkhinavihara, and a refectory besides,

1 3 doing away with the boundary of the Mahameghavana. And
moving the wall of the Mahavihara to the side, he also made

14 a road leading to the Dakkhinavihara. He built the Bhuta-

1 The name means ' the younger brother Tissa '.

2 Cf. note to 33. 84.

xxxvi. 26 The Thirteen Kings 257

ramavihara and the Ramagonaka, and the arama of Nan-
datissa besides.

In the east the king built the Anulatissapabbata (vihara) 15
in Gahgaraji, the Niyelatissarama and the Pilapitthi vihara
as well as the Kajamahavihara. In like manner he built in 16
three places an uposatha-house, in the three following viharas, 1 7
the Kalyanikavihara,1 the Mandalagirika, also the (vihara)
called Dubbalavapitissa.

After Kanitthatissa's death his son, who was known as 18
KHUJJANAGA, reigned one year. The younger brother of 19
Khujjanaga KUNCANAGA, when he had slain the king his
brother, reigned two years in Lanka. During the great 20
Ekanalika2 famine the king maintained without interruption
a great almsgiving 3 appointed for five hundred bhikkhus.

But the brother of Kuncanaga's consort, the commander of 21
troops, SIRINAGA, became a rebel against the king, and when 22
he was equipped with troops and horses he moved on to the
capital and when he, in battle with the king's army, had put 23
king Kuncanaga to flight, victorious he reigned over Lanka
nineteen years in splendid Anuradhapura. When the king had 24
placed a parasol on the stately Great Thupa, he had it gilded
in admirable and splendid fashion. He built the Lohapasada, 25
keeping it within five stories (height), and he restored the steps
to the four entrances leading to the great Bodhi-tree. When 26
he had completed the parasol and the pasada 4 he commanded
offerings at the festival (of the consecration) ; great in compas-
sion, he remitted the tribute of families 5 throughout the island.

1 Cf. 82. 51 and note to 1. 63.

2 Nail is a certain measure = 4 pasata 'handfuls'. RHYS DAVIDS,
Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 17. To so small a quantity
of food were the people reduced in that famine. Thence the
designation.

3 Mahapela, lit. ' great basket,' in contrast to ekanalika.

4 The readingis,! think, chattapasadam. Still Chattapasada
may also be understood as the name of a building. Thus TURNOUB,
WIJESINHA. and my edition.

5 Ku lam ban a is obscure. Perhaps it means a certain tribute
in kind (ambana is a measure of capacity, used as a corn-measure),
which was levied from single families (kula).

258 Mahavamsa XXXVI. 27

27 After the death of Sirinaga his son TISSA reigned twenty-
two years, with knowledge of (the) law and (the) tradition.

28 Because he first in this country made a law that set aside
(bodily) injury (as penalty) he received the name king Voharika-

29 tissa. When he had heard the (preaching of the) doctrine by
the thera Deva, who dwelt in Kappukagama, he restored five

30 buildings. Moreover, contented with the thera Mahatissa, who
dwelt in Anurarama.1 he commanded almsgiving in Mucela-

31 pattana.2 When the king Tissa3 had set up a 'pavilion in the
two great viharas 4 and in the eastern temple of the great

32 Bodhi-tree two bronze images, and had built also the Satta-
pannakapasada, goodly to dwell in, he appointed every month

33 a thousand (pieces of money)5 for the Mahavihara. In the
Abhayagiri-vihara and in the (vihara) called Dakkhinamula,
in the Maricavatti-vihara and the (vihara) called Kulalitissa,

34 in the Mahiyarigana-vihara, in the (vihara) called Mahaga-
managa, in the (viharas) called Mahanagatissa, and Kalyanika

35 he put parasols to their eight thupas. In the Mulanagasena-

36 pati- vihara and in the Dakkhina(vihara), in the Maricavatti-
vihara and in the (vihara) called Puttabhaga, in the (vihara)
called Issarasamana and the (vihara) named Tissa in Naga-

37 dipaka; in these six viharas he put up a wall, and he also
built an uposatha-house in the (vihara) called Anurarama.

38 For the occasions when the Ariyavamsa6 was read he decreed
over the whole island a regular giving of alms, from reverence

39 for the true doctrine. With the spending of three hundred

1 According to 35. 83 near Mahagama in the province of Rohana.

2 According to the Tika mucelapattana is the name of a
' ship' made of bronze in which offerings were placed. Such 'canoes'
but of stone, which evidently served the same purpose, are, in fact,
found in the ruins of Anuradhapura. ( BURROWS, Buried Cities of
Ceylon, pp. 38, 43-44.)

5 Following the reading Tissaraja mandapam. If we read
Tissarajamandapam we must translate 'a pavilion (called)
Tissaraja (after him)'.

4 I.e. the Mahavihara and Abhayagiri-vihara.

6 According to the Tika, articles of clothing.

6 Lit. 'book of the holy ones,' probably the life-histories of men
eminent in the Buddhist Church, which were read aloud publicly for
the edification of the people.

xxxvi. so The Thirteen Kings 259

thousand (pieces of money) this king, who was a friend to the
doctrine, freed from their indebtedness such bhikkhus as were
in debt. When he had decreed a great Vesakha-festival,1 40
he bestowed the three garments on all the bhikkhus dwelling
in the island. Suppressing the Vetulya-doctrine 2 and keeping 41
heretics in check by his minister Kapila, he made the true
doctrine to shine forth in glory.

This king's younger brother, known as ABHAYANAGA, who 42
was the queen's lover, being discovered (in his guilt) took
flight for fear of his brother and went with his serving-men 43
to Bhallatittha and as if wroth with him, he had his uncle's
hands and feet cut off. And that he might bring about 44
division in the kingdom, he left him behind here and took his
most faithful followers with him, showing them the example
of the dog,3 and he himself took ship at the same place and 45
went to the other shore. But the uncle, Subhadeva, went to
the king and making as if he were his friend he wrought 46
division in the kingdom. And that he might have knowledge
of this, Abhaya sent a messenger thither. When Subhadeva 47
saw him he loosened (the earth) round about an areca-palm,
with the shaft of his spear, as he walked round (the tree), and
when he had made it thus (to hold) but feebly by the roots,
he struck it down with his arm; then did he threaten the 48
(messenger), and drove him forth. The messenger went and
told this matter to Abhaya. And when he knew this, Abhaya 49
took many Damilas with him and marched from there against
the city to do battle with his brother. On news of this the king 50

1 See note to 32. 35.

2 Cf. the Vaipulya-sutras, sometimes also called Vaitulya-sutras,
which form part of the Northern Mahayanist Canon. KERN, Manual,
p. 5 ; idem, Verslagen en Mededeel'mgen van de K. Ak. van Weten-
schapen, Afd. Letterk., 4e R., D. VIII, p. 312 foil., Amsterdam, 1907
(see L. DE LA VALLEE POUSSIN, J.E.A.S. 1907, p. 432 foil. ; WINDISCH,
Abh. d. k. Sachs. Gesellsch. d. W., xxvii, p. 472 ; OLDENBERG, Archiv
fur Eeligionswissenschaft, xiii, 1910, p. 614).

3 According to the Tika, when he was about to embark on the
ship, he had chided and punished a dog that he had with him.
Nevertheless the animal followed him, wagging his tail. Then he
said to his followers, 'Even as this clog, you must stand by me with
unchangeable fidelity.1

S 2

260 Mahavamsa xxxvi. 51

took flight, and, with his consort, mounting- a horse he came to

51 Malaya. The younger brother pursued him, and when he
had slain the king in Malaya, he returned with the queen and
reigned eight years in the capital as king.

52 The king set up a vedi o£ stone round about the great
Bodhi-tree, and a pavilion in the courtyard of the Lohapa-

53 sada. And obtaining garments of every kind for twice a
hundred thousand (pieces of money), he distributed gifts of
clothing amon'g tne brotherhood of bhikkhus on the island.

54 After Abh'aya's death, SIRINAGA, the son of his brother

55 Tissa, reigned two years in Lanka. When he had restored the
wall round about the great Bodhi-tree, then did this king also

56 build in the sand-court 1 of the temple of the great Bodhi-
tree, to the south of the Mucela-tree,2 the beautiful Ham-
savatta and a great pavilion besides.

57 Sirinaga's son named ViJAtA-KuMARAKA reigned for one
year after his father's death.

58 (At that time) three Lambakannas lived in friendship at
Mahiyangana : Samghatissa and Samghabodhi, the third

59 being Gothakabhaya. When they were coming (to Anura-
dhapura) to do service to the king, a blind man who had
the gift of prophecy, being by the edge of the Tissa-tank,

60 cried out at the sound of their footsteps : ' The ground bears
here three rulers of the earth ! ' As Abhaya, who was walking
last, heard this he asked (the meaning of the saying). The

61 other uttered yet again (the prophecy). 'Whose race will
endure?' then asked again the other, and he answered:
< That of the last.' When he had heard that he went (on)

62 with the two (others). When they were come into the capital
the three, being the close and trusted (counsellors) of the
king, remained in the royal service about the king.

63 When they together had slain king Vijaya in his royal
palace the two (others) consecrated SAMGHATISSA, the com-

64 mander of the troops, as king. Thus crowned did Samgha-

1 Valikatala is employed here in the same way as vali-
kangana in 33. 31.

* Parato is paraphrased in the Tika by dakkhinadisabhage,
cf. Mah. 25. 50.

xxxvi. 76 The Thirteen Kings 261

tissa reign four years in stately Anuradhapura. He set up 65
a parasol on the Great Thupa and gilded it, and moreover the
king put four great gems, each worth a hundred thousand
(pieces of money), in the middle of the four suns,1 and put 66
upon the spire of the thupa a precious ring of crystal. At 67
the festival of (consecrating) the chatta the ruler of men dis-
tributed the six garments to the brotherhood (in number) forty
thousand. As he (one day) when listening to the khandhakas 2 68
heard from the thera Mahadeva, dwelling in Damahalaka,
the sutta that sets forth the merit of (a gift of) rice-gruel,3 69
he, joyfully believing, distributed to the brotherhood at the
four gates of the city an abundant and well-prepared gift of
rice-gruel.

From time to time the king, with the women of the royal 70
household and the ministers, used to go to Paclnadlpaka4 to eat
jambu-fruits. Vexed by his coming the people dwelling in 71
Pacmadlpa poisoned the fruit of the jambu-tree from which
the king was to eat. When he had eaten the jambu-fruits he 72
died forthwith even there. And Abhaya consecrated as king
Samghabodhi who was charged with the (command of) the
army.

The king, who was known by the name SIRISAMGHABODHI, 73
reigned two years in Anuradhapura, keeping the five precepts.5

In the Mahavihara he set up a beautiful salaka-house.6 74
When the king heard that the people of the island were
come to want by reason of a drought he himself, his heart 75
shaken with pity, lay down on the ground in the courtyard
of the Great Thupa, forming the resolve : ' Unless I be raised 76

1 Which were placed on the four sides of the ' Tee '.

2 The sections of the M.V. and C.V. in the Vinaya-pitaka.

3 See M.V. VI. 24. Cf. particularly 5 and 6. The scene of the
exhortation is Andhakavinda.

4 I.e. 'East-Island.' The Tika says: Mahatitthapattane pa-
rato samuddamajjhe sambhutam Pacinadipam agamasi.
According to this Pacinadipa is one of the islands between the north
point of Ceylon and the Indian continent.

5 See note to 1. 62.

6 On salakagga see note to 15. 205.

262 Mahavamsa XXX VI. 77

up by the water that the god shall rain down I will nevermore

77 rise up from hence, even though I die here.' As the ruler of
the earth lay there thus the god poured down rain forthwith on

78 the whole island of Lanka, reviving the wide earth. And even
then he did not yet rise up because he was not swimming
in the water. Then his counsellors closed up the pipes by

79 which the water flowed away. And as he now swam in the
water the pious king rose up. By his compassion did he in
this way avert the fear of a famine in the island.

80 At the news : ' Rebels are risen here and there/ the king
had the rebels brought before him, but he released them again

81 secretly ; then did he send secretly for bodies of dead men, and
causing terror vo the people by the burning l of these he did
away with the fear from rebels.

82 A yakkha known as Ratakkhi,2 who had come hither, made

83 red the eyes of the people here and there. If the people did
but see one another and did but speak of the redness of the
eyes they died forthwith, and the yakkha devoured them
without fear.

84 When the king heard of their distress he lay down with
sorrowful heart alone in the chamber of fasting, keeping the

85 eight uposatha vows,3 (and said) : ' Till I have seen the
yakkha I will not rise up/ By the (magic) power of his

86 piety the yakkha came to him. To the king's (question) :
' Who art thou ? ' he answered : ' It is I, (the yakkha)/ ' Why

87 dost thou devour my subjects? Swallow them not! ' 'Give
up to me then only the people of one region/ said the other.
And being answered : ' That is impossible/ he came gradually

88 (demanding ever less and less) to one (man) only. The (king)
spoke : ' No other can I give up to thee ; take thou me and
devour me/ With the words : ' That is impossible/ the other

1 He had the corpses burnt in place of the rebels and thus inspired
the belief that he had condemned them to death by fire. Cf. also sule
uttaseti ' to impale '. Jat. T. 50011 and frequently.

2 I.e. 'Red-eye.' Perhaps scarlatina? The Attanagaluvamsa
which relates this episode in chap. VI (ed. Alwis, p. 16 foil.), speaks
of a fever (jararoga) beginning with inflammation of the eyes.

3 Cf. with this SPENCE HARDY, Eastern Monachism, p. 237.

xxxvi. 103 The Thirteen Kings 263

prayed him (at last) to give him an offering in every village.
4 It is well/ said the king, and over the whole island he 89
decreed that offerings l be brought to the entrance of the
villages, and these he gave up to him. Thus by the great 90
man/ compassionate to all beings, by the torch of the island
was the fear pestilence brought to an end.

The king's treasurer, the minister Gothakabhaya, who had 91
become a rebel, marched from the north against the capital.
Taking his water-strainer with him the king fled alone by 92
the south gate, since he would not bring harm to others.

A man who came, bearing his food in a basket, along that 93
road entreated the king again and again to eat of his food.
When he, rich in compassion, had strained the water and had 94
eaten he spoke these words, to show kindness to the other :
'I am the king Samghabodhi; take thou my head and show 95
it to Gothabhaya, he will give thee much gold.' This he 96
would not do, and the king to render him service gave up the
ghost even as he sat. And the other took the head and 97
showed it to Gothabhaya and he, in amazement of spirit,
gave him gold and carried out the funeral rites of the king
with due care.

Thus GOTHABHAYA, also known as Meghavannabhaya, ruled 98
thirteen years over Lanka.

He built a palace, and when he had built a pavilion at the 99
entrance to the palace and had adorned it, even there did
he daily invite a thousand and eight bhikkhus of the brother- 100
hood to be seated, and rejoicing them with rice-gruel and
with foods excellent and of many kinds, both hard and soft,
together with garments, he bestowed alms lavishly upon them. 101
Twenty-one days did he continue (to give) thus.

In the Mahavihara he built a splendid pavilion of stone; 102
he renewed3 the pillars of the Lohapasada. He set up a vedl 103

1 By ball are understood particularly the offerings brought to the
subordinate divinities, devatas, tutelary genii, local sprites, &c.

2 Mahasatta is used elsewhere as designation of a Bodhisatta.

3 Lit. 'He set them up when he had changed them.' In Skt.
parivartayati (B.E. s. v. vart with pari) has the same meaning.

264 MaMvamsa xxxvi. 104

of stone for the great Bodhi-tree and an arched gateway
at the northern entrance, and likewise at the four corners (of
the courtyard) pillars with wheel-symbols.1

104 At three entrances he made three statues of stone and at

105 the south gate he set up a throne of stone. To the west
of the Mahavihara he laid out a tract of land for exercises
of meditation,2 and over the island he restored all ruined

106 buildings. In the Thuparama he ordered the thupa-temple to
be restored and also in the Ambatthala-monastery of the thera

107 (Mahinda) ; 3 and in the arama called Manisoma, and in the
Thuparama, in the Manisomarama and in the Maricavatti
(vihara), and moreover in the vihara called Dakkhina (he

108 restored) the uposatha-houses. And he founded also a new
vihara called Meghavannabhaya and at the (time of) festal

109 offering's at the consecration of the vihara he distributed the

six garments to thirty thousand bhikkhus dwelling on the
island, whom he had assembled.

In like manner he appointed then a great Vesakha-festival,4

110 and yearly did he distribute the six garments to the brother-

111 hood. Purifying the doctrine by suppression of heresy he
seized bhikkhus dwelling in the Abhayagiri (vihara), sixty in
number, who had turned to the Vetulya-doc trine 5 and were

112 like a thorn in the doctrine of the Buddha, and when he had
excommunicated them,6 he banished them to the further
coast. A bhikkhu from the Cola people, named Samghamitta,

113 who was versed in the teachings concerning the exorcism of
spirits, and so forth, had attached himself 7 to a thera banished

1 See note to 30. 92.

2 CHILDEBS, P.D. s. v. padhanam, says: 'padhanabhumi, a
cloister in a monastery for monks to walk in who are striving to
attain arhatship.'

3 The Therambatthalaka is without doubt the Ambatthala-thiipa
built in memory of Mahinda on the Cetiya-mountain. See note to
34. 71.

* Cf. note to 32. 35. 6 Cf. note to 36. 41.

6 Katvana niggaham tesam, lit. 'having suppressed them.'
See papakanam niggahena in v. 110.

7 Nissito, the term for one who stands to an older monk in the
relation of pupil to teacher (nissaya).

xxxvi. 123 The Thirteen Kings 265

thither, and he came hither embittered against the bhikkhus
of the Mahavihara.

When this lawless (bhikkhu) had thrust himself into an 114
assembly in the Thuparama and had refuted there the words
of the thera living in the parivena of Samghapala, namely the 115
thera Gothabhaya, uncle of the king on the mother's side,
who had addressed the king with his (old) name, he became a 1 1 6
constant guest in the king's house.1 The king who was well
pleased with him entrusted his eldest son Jetthatissa and his
younger son Mahasena, to the bhikkhu. And he made the 117
second his favourite, therefore prince Jetthatissa bore ill-will
to the bhikkhu.

After his father's death JETTHATISSA became king. To 118
punish the hostile ministers who would not go in procession
with him, at the performing of the king's funeral rites, the 119
king himself proceeded forth, and placing his younger brother
at the head and then the body following close behind, and 120
then the ministers whilst he himself was at the end (of the
procession), he, when his younger brother and the body were
gone forth, had the gate closed immediately behind them, and 121
he commanded that the treasonous ministers be slain and (their
bodies) impaled on stakes round about his father's pyre.

Because of this deed he came by the surname ' the Cruel'. 122
But the bhikkhu Samghamitta, for fear of the king, went hence 123

1 The passage is very obscure as the course of events in the Thupa-
rama is too briefly described. I believe that we must supply the
object rajanam to ranno namenalapato, and that we have to
understand the passage in the following way. A solemn assembly of
the brotherhood was held in the Thuparama to settle the dissensions
between the various parties. The king himself was present. In this
assembly Samghamitta exposed his heretical doctrine, speaking
against the monks of the Mahavihara, and he succeeded in convincing
the king. The thera Gothabhaya, the king's uncle, after whom the
king himself was named, tried to bring the king round to the
orthodox party. But although he spoke urgently to him, even
addressing him tenderly, not with his royal title Meghavannabhaya,
but with his familiar name Gothabhaya (Tika : tata Gothabhaya
Gothabhaya ti . . .), he did not succeed, and Samghamitta even
became the king's kulupaka. On this see note to 30. 40.

266 Mahavamsa XXXVI. 124

at the time of his coronation, when he had taken counsel
with Mahasena, to the further coast awaiting the time of
(Mahasena's) consecrating.

124 He (Jetthatissa) built up to seven stories the splendid
Lohapasada, that had been left unfinished 1 by his father, so

125 that it was now worth a koti (pieces) of money. When he
had offered there a jewel worth sixty thousand, Jetthatissa
named it the Manipasada.

126 He offered two precious gems to the Great Thupa, and he
built three gateways to the temple of the great Bodhi-tree.

127 When he had built the vihara Pacinatissapabbata the ruler
gave it to the brotherhood in the five settlements.

128 The great and beautiful stone image that was placed of old

129 by Devanampiyatissa in the Thuparama did king Jetthatissa
take away from the Thuparama, and set up in the arama

130 Pacinatissapabbata. He bestowed the Kalamattika-tank on
the Cetiyapabbata (vihara), and when he celebrated the con-
secrating festival of the vihara and the pasada and (held)

131 a great Vesakha-ceremony he distributed the six garments
among the brotherhood, in number thirty thousand. Jettha-

132 tissa also made the Alambagama-tank. Accomplishing thus
many works of merit, beginning with the building of the
pasada, the king reigned ten years.

133 Thus, reflecting that sovereignty, being the source of mani-
fold works of merit, is at the same time the source of many an
injustice, a man of pious heart will never enjoy it as if it were
sweet food mixed with poison.

Here ends the thirty-sixth chapter, called ' The Thirteen
Kings ', in the Mahavamsa, compiled for the serene joy and
emotion of the pious.

1 Vippakata is used (e.g. D.I. 22fi) of an interrupted discourse.
Here we have the interrupting of building (ef. 36. 102 cd.). The
Tika renders the word correctly nitthanam agatam aparinit-
thapitam.

CHAPTER XXXVII

* KING MAHASENA1

AFTER king Jetthatissa's death, his younger brother MAHA- 1
SENA ruled twenty-seven years as king. And to consecrate him 2
as king, the thera Samghamitta came thither from the further
coast, when he heard the time (of Jetthatissa's death).2
When he had carried out the consecration and the other 3
ceremonies of various kind, the lawless (bhikkhu) who would
fain bring about the destruction of the Mahavihara won the 4
king to himself with the words : — ' The dwellers in the
Mahavihara do not teach the (true) vinaya, we are those who
teach the (true) vinaya, O king', and he established a royal 5
penalty : ' Whosoever gives food to a bhikkhu dwelling in
the Mahavihara is liable to a fine of a hundred (pieces of
money)/

The bhikkhus dwelling in the Mahavihara, who thereby G
fell into want, abandoned the Mahavihara, and went to
Malaya and Rohana. Thus was our Mahavihara desolate for 7
nine years and empty of those bhikkhus who (else) had dwelt
in the Mahavihara. And the unwise thera persuaded the 8

1 After verse 50 in chapter 37 the old Mahavamsa breaks off. But
the later author, who continued the work, carried on this chapter and
added 198 verses, giving to the whole the subscription Sattarajako
= 'the Seven Kings \ (However, there are in reality six : — Mahasena,
Kittisiri-Meghavanna, Jetthatissa II, Buddhadasa, Upatissa II, and
Mahanama.) Our section (verses 1-50) has thus no conclusion, neither
the usual memorial verse, nor a subscription. The substance of the
former ought to have corresponded to that of the closing verses of
the Dip., but was clothed in a more artistic form. The writer who
continued the Mah. put the last two verses of the Dip. at the head of
his own work and thus connected the new part of the poem with the
old one. On the whole process, cf. GEIGEE, Dip. and Mah., pp. 18-19.

2 Tika: kalam natva, Jetthatissassa matakalam janitva.

268 Mahavamsa XXXVII. 9

9 unwise king : — ' Ownerless land belongs to the king/ l and
when he had gained leave from the king to destroy the
Mahavihara, this (bhikkhu), in the enmity of his heart, set on
people to do so.

10 An adherent of the thera Samghamitta, the ruthless
minister Sona, a favourite servant of the king, and (with

11 him) shameless bhikkhus, destroyed the splendid Lohapasada
seven stories high, and carried away the (material of the)

12 various buildings from hence to the Abhayagiri (vihara), and
by means of the many buildings 2 that were borne away from
the Mahavihara the Abhayagiri-vihara became rich in build-

13 ings. Holding fast to his evil friend, the thera Samghamitta,
and to his servant Sona, the king wrought many a deed of wrong.

14 The king sent for the great stone image from the Paclna-
tissapabbata (vihara) and set it up in the Abhayagiri (vihara).

1 5 He set up a building for the image, a temple for the Bodhi-
tree, a beautiful relic-hall and a four-sided hall,3 and he

16 restored the (parivena) called Kukkuta.4 Then by the ruthless
thera Samghamitta was the Abhayagiri-vihara made stately
to see.

17 The minister named Meghavannabhaya, the friend of the
king, who was busied with all his affairs, was wroth with him

1 8 for destroying the Mahavihara ; he became a rebel, and when
he had gone to Malaya and had raised a great force, he
pitched a camp by the Duratissaka-tauk.5

1 9 When the king heard that his friend was come thither, he

1 A play on the words assamiko and pathavisami 'owner
(ruler) of the earth '.

2 Pasada means here, in quite a general sense, the habitations of
the bhikkhus in the Mahavihara, which were demolished here and
the material of which was conveyed to the Abhayagiri-vihara.

3 Catu(s)sala. A certain building of this name in Anuradhapura
is mentioned, Mah. 15. 47, 50 ; and 35. 88. In our passage the word
is evidently an appellativum.

4 By this is probably meant the Kukkutagiri-parivena erected by
Kanitthatissa. See 36. 10.

B See note to 33. 9. Meghavannabhaya evidently marches from
the central mountain-district of Malaya to secure the province of
Rohana.

XXXVII. 34 King Mahasena 269

marched forth to do battle with him, and he also pitched
a camp.

The other had good drink and meat, that he had brought 20
with him from Malaya and thinking : * I will not enjoy it
without my friend the king/ he took some, and he himself 21
went forth alone by night, and coming to the king he told him
this thing. When the king had eaten with him, in perfect 22
trust, that which he had brought, he asked him : ( Why hast
thou become a rebel?' c Because the Mahavihara has been 23
destroyed by thee ' he answered. ' I will make the vihara to
be dwelt in yet again; forgive me my fault/ thus spoke 24
the king, and the other was reconciled with the king.
Following his counsel the king returned to the capital. But 25
Meghavannabhaya, who persuaded the king (that it was
fitting to do this), did not go with the king that he might
collect in the meantime the wherewithal to build.

One of the king's wives, who was exceedingly dear to him, 26
the daughter of a scribe, grieved over the destruction of the
Mahavihara, and when she, in bitterness of heart, had won over 27
a labourer to kill the thera who had destroyed it, she caused the
violent thera Samghamitta to be done to death as he came to 28
the Thuparama to destroy it. And they slew likewise the
violent and lawless minister Sona. But when Meghavanna- 29
bhaya had brought the building-materials (that he had
collected), he built several parivenas in the Mahavihara. When 30
this fear had (thus) been calmed by Abhaya the bhikkhus
coming from here and there again inhabited the Mahavihara.
But the king made two bronze images and set them up on 31
the west side of the temple of the great Bodhi-tree.

Being well-pleased with the hypocrite, the plotter, the 32
lawless thera Tissa, his evil friend, who dwelt in the Dakkhi-
narama, he, although he was warned, built within the 33
boundaries of the Mahavihara, in the garden called Joti,
the Jetavana-vihara.1 Then he called upon the brotherhood 34

1 According to 15. 202, Jotivana is a name for the Nandana park
which, according to 15. 1, 7-8, was situated immediately before the
south gate of Anuradhapura. From this and from our passage it
appears quite certain that the Jetavana-vihara must be the monastery

270 Mahavamsa xxxvii. 35

of monks to do away with their boundaries, and since the
bhikkhus would not do this, they abandoned the vihara.

35 But now, to make the shifting1 of the boundary void of effect,
if others should seek to do this, certain bhikkhus hid them-
selves in various places.1

36 Thus was the Mahavihara abandoned for nine months by
the bhikkhus, and the other bhikkhus thought : f We will

37 begin to shift (the boundaries)/ Then, when this attempt
to shift the boundary was given up,2 the bhikkhus

38 came back hither and dwelt again in the Mahavihara. But
within the brotherhood of bhikkhus a complaint touching an
offence of the gravest kind3 was raised against the thera

39 Tissa, who had received the (Jetavana) vihara. The high
minister, known to be just, who decided (the matter) excluded
him, according to right and law, from the order, albeit
against the king's wishes.

40 The king built also the Manihira- vihara 4 and founded three

41 viharas, destroying temples of the (brahmanical) gods: — the
Gokanna (vihara), (and another vihara) in Erakavilla, (and
a third) in the village of the Brahman Kalanda ; 5 (moreover

the thupa of which was mistakenly (called) the Abhayagiri Dagaba.
On the other hand the present Jetavana Dagaba to the north of the
city belonged to the Abhayagiri. Cf. note 33. 81.

1 Namely, within the old boundaries of the Mahavihara, possession
of which was thus formally maintained. Tika: antosimaya eva
annatthaagantvatasmim tasmim thane paticchanna hutva
niliyimsu.

2 Evidently since the bhikkhus remaining behind raised a protest.

3 Antimavatthu is a matter that involves expulsion from the
order. Cf. M.V. II. 22. 3 ; 36. 1 ; S.B.E. xiii, p. 276, note 1.

4 Now Minneriya, the name of a tank (see below, v. 47) not far
from Polonnaruwa.

5 According to the Tika the Gokanna-vihara is situated on the coast
of the 'Eastern Sea', the two other viharas in Rohana. The Tika
then adds : evam sabbattha Lankadipamhi kuditthikanam
alayam viddhamsetva, Sivalingadayo nasetva buddha-
sasanam eva patitthapesi 'everywhere in the island of Lanka
he established the doctrine of the Buddha, having destroyed the
temples of the unbelievers, i.e. having abolished the phallic symbols
of Siva and so forth '.

xxxvil. 50 King Mahasena 271

he built) the Migagama-vihara and the Gahgasenakapabbata
(vihara). To the west, he built the Dhatusenapabbata 42
(vihara) ; the king founded also the great vihara in Kokavata.
He built the Thuparama-vihara and the Hulapitthi (vihara) 43
and the two nunneries, called Uttara and Abhaya. At the place 44
of the yakkha Kalavela 1 he built a thupa, and on the island
he restored many ruined buildings. To one thousand satn- 45
ghattheras 2 he distributed alms for theras, at a cost of a
thousand (pieces of money), and to all (the bhikkhus he dis-
tributed) yearly a garment. There is no record of his gifts 46
of food and drink.

To make (the land) more fertile, he made sixteen tanks, the 47
ManihTia,3 the Mahagama, the Challura, and the (tank) named
Khanu,4 the Mahamani,5 the Kokavata6 and the Dhamma- 48
ramma-tank, the Kumbalaka and the Vahana, besides the
Rattamalakandaka,7 the tank Tissavaddhamanaka,8 that of
Velangavitthi,9 that of Mahagallaka, the Clra-tank and the 49
Mahadaragallaka and the Kalapasana-tank. These are the
sixteen tanks. On the Gafiga he built the great canal named 50
Pabbatanta.

Thus did he gather to himself much merit and much guilt.

The Mahavamsa is ended.

1 Cf. 10. 84.

2 I. e. superiors of the communities of bhikkhus. Cf. 3. 4 ; 4. 56.

3 See above note to 37. 40.

1 A Khanugama is mentioned 25. 14.

5 In 36. 3 the construction of a Mahamani-tank is ascribed to
Bhatikatissa.

6 Cf. the Kokavata-vihara in 37. 42.

7 Maharatmala is the older name of the great Padaviya-lake in the
North Central Province, 25 miles north of Anuradhapura. Arch. Survey
of Ceylon, XIII, 1896, p. 40. There is, however, also a Ratmala-tank 2i
miles south of Anuradhapura. ED. MULLER, Ancient Inscriptions of
Ceylon, p. 27.

8 A village or district of this name is mentioned in 35. 84.

9 A vihara of the same name, see 33. 8.

APPENDIX A

THE DYNASTY OF MAHASAMMATA

ON Mah. 2 = Dip. 3 = Sum. T. p. 258 = Rajav. p. 4 foil.
(Engl. transl. by B. GUNASEKAEA) I should like to give a
reference to two parallel passages in northern Buddhist litera-
ture, the Mahavastu l which belongs to the Vinaya of the
Mahasamghikas and, moreover, of the Lokottaravada-school,
and to the Dulva,2 the Tibetan translation of the Vinaya of
the Sarvastivadins.

The names handed down in both these sources may be
compared with those of the D. and M. in the following list : —

Dip. Mah.

Mahavastu

Dulva

Mahasammata

Roja

—

Rokha

Vararoja

—

Kalyana

Varakalyana
Uposatha

Rava ?'
Uposadha

Varakalyana
Utposadha

Mandhatar

Mandhata

Caraka

—

Karu

Upacara

—

Upakaru

&c.

Karumat, &c.

Okkaka

Iksvaku

(Dip. : surnamed

(surnamed Sujata)

(Gotama)

Sujata)

Okkamukha, Nipuna

Ulkamukha,3 Nipura

Ulkamukha, Nupura

and three other

and two other

sons

1 Ed. SENART, i, p. 348.

2 See ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha (1907), p. 11 foil.

3 In the Mahavastu tradition not Ulkamukha but Opura is said to
be the eldest son ; but in the Dulva again the former is so.

274 Appendix A

In the Mahavastu 1. 3488-3528 and in the Dulva (ROCKHILL,
p. 11 foil.) there follows a story about the rise of the Sakya
and the founding of Kapilavastu. Iksvaku banishes his legiti-
mate sons from the country as he wishes to hand on the throne
to Jenta the son of a concubine. He is thus fulfilling a
promise into which the mother of Jenta has beguiled him.
Iksvaku's sons withdraw into the wilderness and there take
to wife their sisters who have accompanied them. Afterwards
Kapilavastu is built by them. Their descendants are the
Sakyas.

This story was also known to the Theravadins. It occurs
in Sum. T. p. 258 foil, and in the Tlka to the Mahavamsa,
p. 84.1 In agreement with the Dulva the M. T. mentions only
four sons of Okkaka who were banished from the country ;
the fifth is Jantu to whom the brothers have to give way.

Further on (I. p. 35215 foil.) the Mahavastu relates the
story of a Sakya king's daughter who is a leper and therefore
banished to the forest. Here she is cured and is found by
a hermit named Kola. Kola had formerly been king of
Benares and had withdrawn into the forest because he too
suffered from leprosy. He married the Sakya princess and
from these two sprang the Koliya clan.

This legend too was known in Ceylon, we come across it in
Sum. T. p. 260 foil, and in the (Sinhalese) Rajavali immediately
following on the story of the sons of Iksvaku.2

The Mahavastu and Dulva speak of Simhahanu (= Slhahanu
in Dip. Mah.) as the Buddha's grandfather. He has four sons :
(1) Suddhodana the Buddha's father, (2) Dhautodana, (3) Su-
klodana and (4) Amrtodana. These are the Suddhodana,
Dhotodana, Sukkodana and Amitodana of the Dip. and Mah.,
which add yet another, Sakkodana.

According to the Dip. Mah. the Buddha's genealogical tree 3
is this : —

1 Mahavamsa-Tika, ed. BATUWANTUDAWE and NANISSARA BHIK-
SHU, Colombo, 1895. GEIGER, Dip. and Mah., p. 38.

9 The Rdjdvaliya, ed. (in English) by B. GUNASEKARA, Colombo,
1900, pp. 11-13. GEIGER, l.l., p. 95.

3 See also RHYS DAVIDS, Buddhism (1910), p. 52.

The Dynasty of Mahasammata 275

Devadahasakka Jayasena

I I

Anjana Kaccana, married to Sihahanu Yasodhara.

married to Anjana

Suddhodana, married to Maya

!__ I

Bodhisatta

The Mahavastu I. 35515 foil, names as Maya's father
Subhuti who was married to a Koliya princess and lived in
Devadaha. Plainly this is the Anjana of the Mah., and the
Suprabuddha of the Dulva (p. 14), while the Mah. (2. 18-19)
takes Suppabuddha to be the son of Anjana and brother of
Maya. Perhaps Suprabuddha was a surname borne by the
father and son.1

1 For the whole subject cf. also SPENCE HARDY, Manual of
Buddhism, p. 125 foil.

T 2

APPENDIX B

THE BUDDHIST SECTS

(On Mali. 5. 1-13)

RHYS DAVIDS. 'The Sects of the Buddhists/ J.R.A.S.,
1891, p. 409 foil.; the same, < Schools of Buddhist Belief/
J.R.A.S. 1892, p. 1 foil.; MINAYEFF, Recherche* sur le Boud-
dhisme, p. 187 foil.

SOUTHERN BUDDHIST LISTS (SB.) occur besides Mah. 5 in the
Dip. 5. 39 foil.; also in the Mahdbodhivamsa (ed. STRONG,
P.T.S. 1891), pp. 96-97, in the Sdsanavamsa (ed. M. BODE,
P.T.S. 1897), p. 14, 24-25; in the Sinhalese Nikaya-
Samgraha (ed. WICKREMASINGHE), pp. 6-9. Special mention
should be made of the Commentary on the Kathdvatthu, the
KathdvaUhuppakamtw-AttJiakathd (ed. MINAYEFF, J. P.T.S.
1889, pp. 2-3, 5 and passim). The Kathavatthuppakarana is
ascribed to Tissa Moggaliputta,1 who is said to have composed
it after the holding of the Third Council in order to refute
the views held by sectaries. The names of the sects are not
mentioned in the Kathavatthu but are in the commentary
thereon, mentioned above, which was composed by Buddha-
ghosa.2

All the Southern Buddhist lists are in complete agreement
with one another.

1 I adhere to this assertion (Mah. 5. 278) as a statement of fact.
That the objection raised by MINAYEFF (Recherches, p. 200) to the age
of the work is based upon an error has been already demonstrated by
OLDENBERQ, Z.D.M.G., 52, p. 633, and RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues,
i, p. xviii.

2 Quoted by me as Kvu. Co.

The Buddhist Sects 277

I will mention, when occasion arises, certain trifling varia-
tions in the Nik. Samgr. The ground for the agreement is
that all the southern sources are based, in the last resort,
upon the old-sinhalese Atthakatha.

NORTHERN BUDDHIST LISTS (NB.) occur in the Dulva, the
Tibetan Vinaya of the Sarvastivadins according to a work of
Bhavya, see ROCKHILL, Life of the Buddha (1907), p. 182 foil.
(R.)7 and according to a work of Vasumitra, see WASSILJEW,
Der Buddhismus (1860), i, p. 224 foil. (W.), also BEAL, < The
Eighteen Schools of Buddhism' (2nd. Ant, ix, p. 299
foil.) (VB.).1

Besides we have lists in Taranatha. See SCHIEFNER, Tdrand-
tha's History of Buddhism in India (1869), pp. 270-274 (Tar.).

ST. JULIEN gives five Chinese lists based, for the most part,
upon Vasumitra : ' Listes diverses des noms de dix-huit ecoles
schismatiques qui sont sorties du Bouddhisme,' Journ. As.,
v. serie, t. xiv (1859), p. 327 foil. (St. J.). To these may be
added the statements of the Chinese pilgrims Fa-hian, Hiuen-
thsang 2 and I-tsing.3

The number of the sects is unanimously given as 18.
Evidently we again have to do with one of those established
numbers which form the backbone of tradition.

The individual names vary and the dividing-up of the sects
also shows certain variations. This is shown by the following
survey : —

1. SB. THERAVADA = NB. STHAVIRAVADA is one of the
two original schools into which the united church was divided
at the first schism. It was so according to Mali. Dip., &c.,
also according to St. J., p. 343 (list V), 100 years after the
Nirvana. On the other hand the number is 116 in St. J.
333 (list II); and 160 in R. 182, St. J. 336 (list V).

1 BEAL gives two lists following Vasumitra, as ROCKHILL gives
two following Bhavya.

2 I call them Ch. 1, 2, and quote Fa-hian and Hiuen-thsang accord-
ing to BEAL (B.), Buddhist Records of the Western Worlds.

3 A record of the Buddhist religion by I-tsing, transl. by TAKAKUSI/,
Ch.3.

278 Appendix B

We may consider as a synonymous designation : —
la. SB. HEMAVATA = NB. HAIMAVATA in W. 253, VB.
300, R. 184. Still in R. 190 distinctions are made between
the Sthaviras and the Haimavatas. In Dip. and Mah., &c., they
are considered as separate sects. Probably the Haimavatas
were a local school of the Sthaviras of continental India.

2. SB. MAHASAMGHIKA = NB. MAHASAMGHiKA.1 For their
particular doctrine see W. 258 foil. They are the second
school of the first great schism.

3. SB. GOKULIKA = NB. GOKULIKA (R. 186, 187; Tar.
271 ; VB. 301 ; St. J. 330, 334, 337, 341 = lists I-IV). The
name is missing in Ch. 1, 2, 3 as also in W. In its place
here appears : —

3a. KUKKUTIKA (W. 252, 258) or KTJKKULIKA (W. 249;
VB. 300). Similarly in St. J. 344 (list V), the Kaukkutikas
are put in instead of the Gokulikas and the two are expressly
said 341 (list IV) to be identical.

Very closely related to the Gokulikas are : —
3b. LOKOTTARAVADIN who do not appear in the tradition
of the Southern Buddhists. They are mentioned immediately
beside the Gokulikas (or Kukkutikas). (W. 249, 252, 258;
VB. 301 ; St. J. 334, 337, 341, 343 = lists II- V.) In R. 182
they are to be found just in the place where we should expect
the Gokulikas. Cf. St. J. 330 = list I and Tar. 271, where
the Gokulikas appear in the list, whilst, on the other hand, the
Lokottaravadins are missing. Lastly, Tar. says, 273, that
Lokottaravadins and Kaukkutapadas are the same. Ch. 2
mentions the L. in Bamian (BEAL, i. 50).

4. SB. EKAVYOHARIKA = NB. EKAVYAVAHARIKA (W. 249,
252; VB. 300, 301; R. 182, 187; Tar. 271; St. J. 330,
334, 337, 341, 344 = lists I-V). According to Tar. 273 the
name is employed as a general designation of the Maha-
samghikas. Their doctrines according to W. 258 are the
same as those of 2, 3a and 3b.

1 In St. J. 340 (list II) the Karmikas, besides the Yogacaras and
Aisvarikas, are reckoned as belonging to the Mahasamghikas.

The Buddhist Sects 279

5. SB. PANNATTIVADIN = NB. PRAJNAPTIVADIN (W. 251;
R. 182 ; Tar. 271 ; St. J. 341 = list IV ; missing in VB.
300 ; St. J. lists I-III, V, also in R. 185). They are the
Si-chi in VB. 301. For their particular doctrines see W. 268,
R. 189.

6. SB. BAHULIKA = NB. BAHUSRUTIYA (W. 250; VB. 300,
301; R. 182; Tar. 250, 252; St. J. 330, 334, 338, 341,
345 = lists I-V). For their doctrines see W. 268 ; R. 189.

7. SB. CETIYAVADA = NB. CAITIKA or CAITYIKA (W. 251,
252; VB. 300, 301 ; R. 182, 186). They are said to be a
branch of the Gokulikas, R. 189 ; Tar. 252. In Tar. 273 they
are said to be identical with the Purvasailas. Corresponding
to them in the lists I-III, V = St. J. 330, 334, 338, 345 are
the Jetikas or Jetavaniyas or Jetasailas.

8. SB. MAHIMSASAKA = NB. MAHIS"ASAKA. They are,
according to R. 186; Tar. 271, to be reckoned as belonging
to the Vibhajyavadins (cf. 14a) and are said to be a branch of
the Sarvastivadins in W. 254; VB. 300, 301 ; St. J. 335,
339, 342, 345 = lists II-V. For their doctrines see R. 185,
191 ; W. 280 foil. Ch. 2 mentions them in Swat (BEAL, i,
p. 121). According to the same authority (BEAL, i, p. 226)
the Bodhisattva Asahga professed himself to be of the school
of the M., but went over to the Mahayana.

9. SB. VAJJIPUTTAKA - NB. VATS!PUTRIYA or VASAPUTRIYA
(W. 253, 256; VB. 300, 301 ; R. 182, 184, 186, 193; Tar.
271, 272, 273; St. J. 331, 335, 339, 342 = lists I-IV).
They are said to be a branch of the Sarvastivadins in W. 253,
VB. 301, St. J. 335 (list II), while according to the southern
Buddhist tradition the relation is reversed; and they are said,
R. 186, to be a principal branch of the Sthaviras beside the
Sarvastivadins. The Kvu. Co., however, mentions them very
slightly. The Pali form of the name must be understood as
an assimilation to the name of the Vajjiputtaka monks, the
sectaries of VesalT.

10. SB. DHAMMUTTARIYA = NB. DHARMOTTARIYA the
Dharmakarikas of the Nik. S., are said, as also in the southern

280 Appendix B

tradition, to be a branch of the Vatsiputriya (W. 253; VB.
300, 301; R. 182, 186; Tar. 271; St. J. 331, 335,339,
342, 345 = lists I-V).

11. SB. BHADRAYANIKA = BHADRAYANIYA are also a branch
of the Vatsiputrlyas (W. 253; VB. 300, 301; R. 186; Tar.
271,273; St. J. 335, 339, 342, 345 = lists II-V), and stand
in especially close relation (R. 194) to the Dharmottariyas
from whom, according to St. J. 331 (list I), they had taken
their rise.1 For 10 and 11, R. gives the common designation
Mahagiriya.

12. SB. CHANDAGARIKA = NB. SANNAGARIKA ' those from
the 6 cities ', also a branch of the Vatslputriyas (W. 254 ; VB.
300; R. 186, cf. 194; Tar. 271; St. J. 335, 342 = lists
II, IV) and are but slightly distinguished from 11 (W. 279).
In the lists I, III, V in St. J. 337, 339, 345 there appear,
instead of them, the Abhayagirivasins.

13. SB. SAMMITIYA = NB. SAMMATIYA, taking their rise
like 10-12, from 9 (W. 254; R. 186; Tar. 271, 272; St. J.
331, 335, 339, 342, 345 = lists I-V). According to R. 182
they are also called (13a) AVANTAKA or (13b) KURUKULLAKA,
and Tar. 272 relates that according to the view of the Sarva-
stivadins, the Kaurukullakas, the Avantakas, and the Vatsi-
putrlyas are the three kinds of the Sammatlyas. They are the
Mi-li in VB. 301. They must have been a widely spread
sect; Ch. 2 mentions them repeatedly as a school of the
Hlnayana (see BEAL, ii. 14, 44, 45, 186, &c.) ; according to
Ch. 3 (TAKAKUSU, p. xxiv) they fall into four subdivisions
and are spread over Western India and in Campa (Cochin-
China) especially. The Kvu. Co. in a whole series of passages
is occupied with their doctrines. On those see R. 194.

14. SB. SABBATTHAVADIN = NB. SARVASTIVADIN. Accord-
ing to W. 253, VB. 301, St. J. 339 (list III) and 342
(list IV), they are also called (14a) HETUVADA or HETUVIDYA,
and according to R. 182, also Muruntaka, and they are said
(W. 253, R. 182, Tar. 271) to be, beside the Vatsiputriyas,

1 It should be observed, however, that in the list I, in St. J., each
school is made to take its rise from the one mentioned before it.

The Buddhist Sects 281

one of the principal schools of the Sthaviras. The statements
of the Chinese pilgrims agree with this.

Ch. 1 (BEAL, i, p. Ixx) states that the Vinaya of the S. is
held to be particularly correct and agrees in essentials with
that which is observed in China. Ch. 2 (BEAL, i, pp. 18, 19,
49, &c., ii, pp. 182, 270, &c.) mentions them frequently as
a branch of the Hlnayana; the Bodhisattva Vasubandhu
(BEAL, i. 226) professed himself of this school. According to
Ch. 3 (TAKAKUSU, p. xxiv) the S. were (beside the Sthaviras,
Mahasamghikas and Sammatiyas) one of the four principal
Buddhist schools; they themselves fell into four groups
(Mulasarvastivadins, Dharmaguptas, Mahlsasakas and Ka-
syaplyas), and had spread mostly in Magadha and Eastern
India. On their doctrines see W. 270 foil. ; R. 184, 185, 190.
See also TAKAKUSU, J.P.T.S. 1904-1905, pp. 67 foil.

Here I will mention : —

I4b. SB. VlBHAJJAVADIN = NB. VlBHAJYAVADIN. These

are mentioned Mah. 5. 271. It is said here that the Buddha
professed himself belonging to the V. From this as from the
relation of the list in Tar. 271, 272 to the Ceylonese list
(Dip. 5. 45 foil. ; Mah. 5. 6-9), OLDENBEIIG l has concluded
that V. is another name for the Theravadins. In the Maha-
bodhivamsa, besides, this is said in plain terms.2 However,
according to Tar. 272, the V. are reckoned as belonging to the
Sarvastivadins, beside which they appear in R. 182 as a
Sthavira school. According to R. 186, 191, Tar. 271 they
embrace the sects of the Mahlsasakas, Kasyapiyas_, Dharma-
guptakas and (14C) TAMRASATIYAS. The last named are in
Tar. 272, 274 counted as belonging to the Sarvastivadins and
identified with the Samkrantikas and (14d) the UTTAIIIYAS.

If we resume these data it appears that Vibhajjavadin
denotes not so much a particular sect but rather a philoso-
phical tendency, which, for the Theravadins, was bound up

1 Vin. Pit., i, p. xli foil.

2 P. 9517 : therdnam sambandhavacanattd iheravado ti, vibhajjavddind
munindena desitattd vibhajjavddo ti vuccati. The same conclusion may
be drawn from Mah. Tlka, 948, 992.

282 Appendix B

with their conception of orthodoxy l and to which their
different schools thenceforward laid claim.2

15. SB. DHAMMAGUTTIKA = NB. DHARMAGUPTAKA. They
are, as we have just seen, reckoned as belonging to the Vi-
bhajyavadins and are said (W. 254; VB. 300, 301; St. J.
335, 339, 342, 345 = lists II-V) to be a branch of the
Mahlsasaka. On their doctrines see W. 283, R. 192.

16. SB. KASSAPIYA = NB. KASYAPIYA, belonging also to
the Vibhajyavadins. They took their rise in the Sarvastiva-
dins (W. 255 ; VB. 300, 301 ; St. J. 335, 340, 342, 346 =
lists II-V) and are also called (16a) SUVARSAKA (W. and
St. J. as above; cf. Tar. 271). For their doctrines see
W. 283-284, R. 193.

17. SB. SAMKANTIKA = NB. SAMKRANTIVADIN, a branch
of the Sarvastivadins (W. 255; BV. 300, 301; Tar. 271,
272; R. 193; St. J. 336, 340, 342 = lists II-IV). Their
other name is said to be Uttariya (R. 183 ; Tar. 273), also
Tamras'atlya (see under 14b). In W. 256, St. J. 336, 342 =
lists II-IV they are identified with the Sautrantika.

18. SB. SUTTAVADA = NB. SAUTRANTIKA. The accounts of
this school are far from clear. In the SB. sources no further
mention is made of it. Its identity with 17 seems also to
be evident from R. 186 where in the list the Sautrantikas are
introduced as a branch of the Sarvastivadins, but the Sam-
krantivadins are missing.

In Ch. 2 also the former (see BEAL, i, pp. 139, 226; ii, p. 302)
are mentioned, but not the latter. Besides, in list I, St. J.
332 the Sautrantika evidently appear in the place of 17, being
a branch of the Kasyapiya. On the other hand, according
to St. J. 340, 346 (lists III, V) the Sautrantika would seem to
be identical with the Prajnaptivadins (5), thus would belong
not to the Sthaviras at all but to the Mahasamghikas.

1 Only thus can we understand how the Buddha himself can be
called a Vibhajjavadi. He could never be called a Theravadl.

2 Cf. Kathavatthu (ed. TAYLOR), ii, p. 578, with the Co., pp.
177-178.

The Buddhist Sects 283

It seems that this last conclusion may also be drawn from
R. 186 (n. 1) and Tar. 271.

Besides these eighteen schools the SB. sources mention the
following branches : —

19. SB. HEMAVATA = NB. HAIMAVATA. See above la.

20. SB. RAJAGIRIYA = NB. RAJAGIRIYA. They are counted
(R. 186) as belonging to the Mahasamghikas, but are missing
entirely from the other list, R. 182. In Tar. 271, too, they only
appear in the list belonging to the Mahasamghikas. In the
Chinese lists in St. J. they appear just as little as in Ch. 1, 2, 3.

21. SB. SIDDHATTHIKA. They are not mentioned in the
NB. lists.

22. SB. PUBBASELIYA = NB. PtJRVASAiLA. It is clear and
beyond doubt, from all the data, that these are most closely
related to the Caityika. They are mentioned beside them
(R. 182, 186; Tar. 271) or positively in place of them
(W. 251, 252). In Ch. 2 they are mentioned only once as the
Avarasaila (BiAL, ii, p. 221); Ch. 1 and 3 do not mention
them. In St. J. 331, 334, 338, 342, 345 (lists I-V) the (22a)
UTTARA£AILA are also mentioned, always beside the Jetikas ; in
list I, VB. 300, also beside the Purvasailas ; and in list V,
VB. 301 beside the Aparasailas.

23. SB. APARASELIYA = NB. APARA^AILA or AVARASAILA,
introduced as a school of the Mahasamghikas in W. 254, 255 ;
R. 182, 186; Tar. 271.

24. SB. VAJIRIYA (Dip. 5. 54 = Apararajagiriya). They are
not mentioned in the northern sources, and the same may be
said of the 23. DHAMMARUCI and 24. SAGALIYA which are
expressly called (Mah. 5. 13) Ceylonese sects.1 Lastly, we
may refer to the 25. VETULYA mentioned Mah. 36. 41, 111,
also KERN'S ingenious combination by which they are brought
into relation with the Mahay ana.

1 On their origin see the interesting passage in the Mah. TiTca,
p. 115, 1. 31 foil., translated by TURNOUR, Mah., p. liii.

284 Appendix B

The different opinions as to the relation of the different sects
to one another and their rise of one from another may be given
in the form of a genealogical tree.

1. VASUMITRA (W. 249 ; VB. 301) divides them after the
separation of 1 and 2 thus —

14 =

1
14a la (19)

1
9
1

5 16 = 16a

1
17 = 18

10,

11, 13, 12

I I

(a) 4 3b 3a

(b) 6

(d) 1 23 22

2. BHAVYA (R. 182, 186) represents two views of which
the one is based on the same division as in Vasumitra's list,
but the second on an original division into three, where the
Vibhajyavadins form the third group.

I. 1 2

I I

I III

1 = la, 14, 14a, 14b, 9, 2, 3b, 4, 6, 7,

10, 11, 13, 8, 15, 16a = 16, 14^ 22, 23

II. 1 2 14b

I I

14 9 2,22,23, i

| | F 20, la, 7, 8, 16, 15, 14°

14 18 13, 10, 11, 12

3. TARANATHA (270-271) gives four different lists : ^accord-
ing to the Sthaviras; II, according to the Mahasamghikas ;
III, according to the Sammatiyas ; and IV, according to the
Sarvastivadins. The first is based on a division into two
principal groups, the second on a similar division into three,
the third and fourth on a division into four. The first two
lists coincide with those of Bhavya.

The Buddhist Sects 285

I. 1 2

I I II

1,14,9,10,11,13, 2,4,3b,6.5,

8, 15, 16a, 14* 7, 22, 23

II.

14*

~ 1

1
9

1 1
2, 22, 23,
20, la, 7,
17,3

1 1
8, 16, 15, 14C

1 1

14 18 13,10,11,12

III.

2
1

i 1

2, 4, 3,
6,5,7

1
14, 14b,
14°, 16

1
6,15,
,17

1
9,

10, 11,

1
13

without branch

IV.

Jetavaniya 22, 23, 14, 16, 8, 15,

Abhayagiriya la, 3b, 5 6, 14C, 14b

Mahaviharin

4. Of the Chinese lists in St. Julien the lists II-V are in
agreement with each other and agree with Vasumitra's list with
quite trifling variations. List I is connected with Bhavya's
first list and Vasumitra's also (in BEAL), but makes each sect
branch off from the preceding one within the two great
groups. The series is as follows : —

1. : 14 : la : 9 : 10 : 11 : 13 : 13al : 15 : 16 : 18.

2. : 4 : 3 : 6 : 7 : 22 : 22a.

5. I-TSING admits four principal groups : (a) Mahasam-
ghika (with seven subdivisions) ; (b) Sthavira (with three sub-
divisions) ; (c) Sarvastivada (with Mulasarvastivada, Dharma-
gupta, Mahlsasaka, and Kasyaplya as subdivisions) ; and (d)
Sammitlya (with four subdivisions). Here, too, eighteen is
given as the sum-total of the schools.

1 The sect of the Abhayagirivasins is inserted between 13 and 13*.

286 Appendix B

6. According to Dip. and Mah. the relation of the schools
takes this shape (cf. list I of Tar.) : —

5,6,7

As regards the time at which the separate schools arose,
according to the Ceylonese sources the first schism took place
100 years after the Nirvana. The remaining sects must have
arisen in the time between the Second and Third Council,
i. e. between 100 A.B. and 247 A.B., the most of them in the
second century after the Nirvana, but the last six (19, 20, 21,
22, 23, 24) in the third century, the Dhammarucis, according
to the Mah. Tlka at the time of Vattagamani, the Sagaliyas
at that of Mahasena.1

Among the Northern Buddhists we find quite similar
traditions.

According to VASUMITRA (W. 249 foil., VB. 301) the sects
4, 3b, and 3a, as also 6 and 5, were formed in the course of the
second century A.B., that is, after the first schism. By the
end of the second century 7, 22, and 22a had arisen. In
the third century arose 14 (14a), and la, later 9, and then 10,
11, 13, 12, also 8, and from this last 15. Only the rise of 17
( = 18) is placed in the fourth century. These dates are trans-
ferred from Vasumitra into the Chinese lists (ST. JULIEN).

The information given by I-TSING on the spread of the
schools at his time, i.e. towards the end of the seventh cen-
tury A.D.,2 is of great interest. At that time the Sarvasti-
vadins prevailed in Magadha, the Sammitiyas in North-west
India, the Sarvastivadins in the North, and in the South the
Sthaviras. In the East the four great groups, i.e. the three
above mentioned and the Mahasamghikas, were mixed.

1 See p. 283, n. 1. 2 TAKAKUSU, I-tsing, pp. 8-9.

The Buddhist Sects 287

In the polemics of the Kathavatthu 1 the most prominent
schools, according to the commentator Buddhaghosa, are the
Theravadins, the Sammitlyas, the Mahimsasakas, the Sab-
batthavadins, and the Mahasamghikas. But more frequently
than these the names ANDHAKA and UTTARAPATHAKA are
employed, in which Buddhaghosa evidently comprises the
South Indian and North Indian sects.

1 See RHYS DAVIDS, J.R.A.S. 1891, p. 413.

APPENDIX C

CAMPAIGNS OF PANDUKABHAYA (Mah. 10. 27 foil.)
AND DUTTHAGAMANI (Mah. 25. 1 foil.)

PANDUKABHAYA takes refuge from the persecution of his
uncles in Pandulagamaka.

The place is unknown. In our inquiry, therefore, we must
take as starting-point Pana, where he gathers together his
first followers, to engage in battle with his uncles.

Pana is situated near Kasapabbata. This name has been,
I believe, preserved in the modern Kahagala-gama,1 the name
of a village situated about ten miles to the north of Kalu-
wsewa and fifteen miles to the south-west of Anuradhapura.

From Pana he does not direct his march northward on the
then capital of the country Upatissagama.2 He is not strong
enough for this. Rather he is obliged to follow the tactics of
all rebels, to bring first the border-districts, the paccantagawa,
into his power.3 Therefore he marches first towards the south-
east, more or less along the line which Dutthagamani followed,
in the opposite direction in his march against Anuradhapura.
Probably the old military road ran along here. So he comes
first into the district of Girikandasiva. This name is, we
may conjecture, connected with that of Girilaka, which is
mentioned Mah. 25. 47 with reference to Dutthagamani's
campaign. We must look for this district between the Kalu-
waewa and the Ritigala.

1 On the map of Ceylon, four miles to an inch.

2 Upatissagama is situated on the Gambhiranadi (Mah. 7. 44) to the
north of Anuradhapura. Prom here to the Gambhiranadi (Mah. 28. 7)
is a distance of a yojana = 7-8 miles. By this we arrive at a general
notion of the position of Upatisaagama.

3 GEIGER, Dip. and Mah.. pp. 39-40.

Campaigns of PanduJcabhaya and Dutthagamani 289

P. now marches on southward of Ritigala to the spot
where the Ambanganga and Mahawseliganga unite. To the
south of the Mineri-tank the people of Girikandasiva come
up with him. The result is the battle of Kalaha-nagara.
This is the Kalahagala1 of the present day, situated 7-8
miles distant from the lake mentioned. Not far from here we
must look for the scene of the second battle of Lohitavaha-
khanda (Mah. 10. 43).

Although the victory in both battles is attributed to P., he
does not yet venture to attack Upatissagama directly. On
the contrary, he continues his march in the direction fol-
lowed hitherto, and crosses the Mahawaeliganga (pdragahgam,
Mah. 10. 44).

The place where he crossed over must have been the
Kacchaka-ford, which I take to be the Mahagantota2 below
the spot where the Ambanganga flows into the Mahawaeli-
ganga.

As the base of further operations P. chooses a region on
the right bank of the Mahaganga (Mahawseliganga), the Dola-
mountain. This name survives in that of the village Dola-
galawela 3 in the Bintenne district, twenty miles to the north
of the place so named, which is now called Alutnuwara.

During the four years that P. spends near the Dola-moun-
tain he is said to have been making preparations for the really
decisive battle. This is made possible for him by the fact
that he has now the whole province of Rohana, with all its
resources, behind him. By his position he has also the key to
the most important or the only ford of the Mahawseliganga.

In the meantime P/s uncles have also completed their
preparations. They march against the rebels and entrench
themselves on the Dhumarakkha-mountain. Its position is
shown clearly by Mah. 10. 53, 57, 58. We must look for it

1 See Census of Ceylon, 1901, iv, p. 468.

2 Itinerary of Roads in Ceylon, i (1909), p. 39, no. 68.

3 Census, 1901, iv, p. 262. The Dolukanda which PARKER
(Ancient Ceylon, p. 192) mentions cannot be the Dola-pabbata of the
Mah., since it is situated (PARKER, in a letter dated July 17, 1910)
about ten miles to the north of Kurunsegala.

290 Appendix C

on the left bank of the Mahawseliganga, not far from the
Kacchaka-ford. The chief object of the uncles was evidently
to prevent P. from crossing- the river.

However, to be beforehand with them, P. risks the crossing.
He defeats the enemy in flight, and takes possession of their
camp. He then proceeds on the direct road to the capital.

On the Arittha-pabbata (Ritigala) he pitches an entrenched
camp which is to serve as a base for his final operations. The
uncles once more march against him with fresh troops.
The decisive battle takes place near Labu-gamaka (Mah. 10.
72), the Labunoruwa 1 of the present day, on the north-west
slope of the Ritigala. P. carries off the victory.

The road to the capital now lies open to him. He takes
possession of it and afterwards, having assumed sole sove-
reignty, he removes the royal residence to Anuradhapura.

We see that the information given by the Mahavamsa on
Pandukabhaya's campaigns, if rightly understood, is quite
adequate. The military measures taken seem thoroughly
methodical ; their aim can be clearly understood.

On quite similar lines is the advance of Dutthagamani on
Anuradhapura, a proof that we have to do in both cases with
old connecting roads between the regions left and right of the
Mahawaliganga. P. was obliged to secure these in order to
carry out successfully his operations against Upatissagama.
D. used them for bringing up his troops.

Dutthagamani starts (Mah. 25. 5) from Mahagama in
Rohana, the site of which is indicated by the ruins of Tissa-
Maharama in the South Province, sixteen miles north-east
of Hambantota. Taking a northerly direction, he marches
through Guttahalaka,2 now Buttala, towards Mahiyangana.
This, according to the local tradition, is the modern Bintenne
or Alutnuwara.

1 Census, 1901, iv, p. 464.

8 The evidence for this site is chiefly Mah. 24. 17. D. stations out-
posts in G. on the look-out for his brother Tissa, whose advance from
Dighavapi is expected here.

Campaigns of PanduMbhaya and Dutthagamani 291

D. is here on the bank of the Mahawseliganga. Now follows
the enumeration of a whole series of forts which were occupied
by Damilas and taken by D.

Among these, too, appears Kaccha-tittha (now Mahagan-
tota), to take which required a four months' siege (Mah.
25. 12). I think, therefore, that the places mentioned are
mere frontier-outposts or forts which had been placed along
the Mahawseliganga l from the bend of the river above
Bintenne to the neighbourhood of the mouth. The indi-
vidual names cannot now be settled.

The remains of the vanquished Damila-divisions retreat
towards Vijita-nagara. It still seems to me most probable that
we should look for this city in the neighbourhood of Kalu-
wsewa, where the Vijitapura-vihara is now situated, and ruins
in the jungle testify to the former existence of a larger
settlement.2

In all probability D. will have crossed the Mahaganga near
Kacchaka-tittha. On the advance against Vijita he first
followed the same road that Pandukabhaya used when he
marched from the Kasa-pabbata to the Dola-pabbata. It
must have run somewhere between Sigiri and the Mineri-
tank.

The siege and storming of Vijita are described with great
clearness and vivacity. The further stations, Girilaka, Mahe-
la-nagara, and Kasa-pabbata lay far along the road which
leads from Dambul to Anuradhapura. On the Kasa-pabbata
D. entrenched himself, evidently in order to await in a favour-
able position his adversary Elara. Here again in fact it comes
to a decisive battle, the fortunate issue of which opens to .D.
the road to the capital. The conquered foe was pursued up
to the immediate vicinity of Anuradhapura. In a last attempt
to bring the fleeing troops to a halt beneath the walls of the
city Elara falls by the hand of D. in heroic single combat.

1 Cf. Mah. 25. 19, where this seems to be plainly said.

2 BURROWS, Buried Cities of Ceylon, p. 75. PARKER certainly
(Ancient Ceylon, p. 237 foil.) looks for Vijita in the region of the later
Polonnaruwa.

u 2

APPENDIX D

LIST OF PALI TERMS OCCURRING IN THE
TRANSLATION

1. ACARIYA, < teacher, master.' See p. 31, n. 4.

2. AKAHANT. Literally ( able, worthy ', a person who has
reached the ideal. In an Arahant the dsavd, the deadly drugs
of delusion, are brought to an end ; he is no longer subject to
re-birth, but lives in Nirvana, the final liberation. RHYS
DAVIDS, Buddhism, 110; Early Buddhism, 72-74.

3. ARAMA, 'park, garden.' Designation of a Buddhist
convent = vihdra, CHILDERS, Pali Dictionary, s.v.

4. ASAVA. The term is hardly translatable. It has been
first explained by RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues, i, p. 92, ii, p. 28
(= SBB. ii, iii). According to Buddhaghosa, Asl. 4815, well-
matured spirituous liquors are called dsavd. Jat. IV. 22219 we
read : dsavo tdta lokasmim surd ndma pavuccati. The underlying
idea is, therefore, that of 'overwhelming intoxication', not
that of a deadly flood. There are four dsavd : (1) kdma ' lust,
desire ', (2) bhava ' (desire of a future) existence ', (3) avijjd
' ignorance (of the four holy truths) ', and (4) ditthi f false
belief. D. I. 84; II. 81 ; M. I. 7, &c., khmdsava ' one who
has overcome the asavas ', and andsava ' one who is free from
the asavas ', are epithets of the arahant.

5. BHIKKHU, BHIKKHUNI, mendicant monk, nun. Member
of the Buddhist order.

6. BUDDHA (Sambuddha, Sammd-Sambuddha convey the same
notion in a heightened degree) denotes a being who by his
own force has attained to possession of the highest knowledge.
He is neither man nor god. He is able to perform certain
wonders in accord with the laws of nature. In an endless

List of Pali Terms 293

series of existences the Buddha prepares himself for his state
of Buddhahood. During- the whole of this time he is called a
bodhisatta (Skt. bodhisattia) till in his last existence as a man —
the last but one he generally spends in a heaven of the gods —
he attains to knowledge (bodfti, sambodhi, abhisambodhi). In
the ancient texts sambodhi is always the insight of an Arahant.1
Since this event comes to pass for the historical Buddha under
an assattha tree (Ficus religiosa), this is the sacred tree of the
Buddhists, and the ' Bodhi-tree ' (Sinh. boga/ia) is not lacking
in any Buddhist sanctuary in Ceylon.

A Paccekabuddha has also reached Nirvana (see below) by
his own force, but does not come forward as a teacher. The
historical Buddha is called, after his family, Gotama Buddha
or Sakyamuni, ' the sage of the house of the Sakyas.' See
KERN, p. 62 foil.

7. CETIYA. See under THUPA.

8. DEVATA, divinity, genius, particularly applied to the spirits
which, according to popular belief, inhabit trees, wells, hills,
and in fact every place. In Mah. 28. 6 a devatd of the royal
parasol is mentioned.

9. DHAMMA, truth, religion, the sum-total of Buddhist doc-
trine. Opposed to vinaya, ( Discipline, the monastic rule/
Dhamma in the more restricted sense denotes the second part
of the tipitaka (which see).

10. KARISA, first a measure of capacity ; in another sense
an area of about 4 acres, i.e. as much ground as can be sown
with a karisa of seed-corn. See RHYS DAVIDS, Ancient Coins
and Measures of Ceylon, p. 18.

11. KHATTIYA (Skt. ksatriya), the class of nobles or war-
riors. This was one of the four ancient vannd, or social
grades. The Buddhists and Jainas put them first in the list,
the Brahmans put themselves first. The Khattiyas have been
sometimes called a caste ; but they never formed an organized
community, like the modern castes, with connubium and com-
mensality between all Khattiyas. See RHYS DAVIDS, Dia-
logues, i. 96-107; Buddhist India, 52 ff.

1 RHYS DAVIDS, Dialogues, i, pp. 190-192.

294 Appendix D

12. MANTA, formula, sacred formula, charm, spell, designa-
tion of the Vedic hymns. Cf. Mah. 5. 109.

13. NAGA, designation of supernatural beings, snake-
demons, sometimes represented in human form with a snake's
hood in the neck, sometimes as mixed forms, half man half
snake. They are distinguished by devout reverence toward
the Buddha. Their sworn enemies are the Garuda, winged
beings resembling the griffin (cf. p. 129, n. 4). See GRUN-
WEDEL, BuddJiist. Kunstj p. 42 foil.

14. NIBBA.NA (Skt. nirvana). One of the terms for Arahant-
ship. At Samyutta IV. 251, 261 it is defined as the destruc-
tion (in the heart) of rdga, dosa, and moha (lusty illwill, and
stupidity); and is stated to be attainable by the eightfold
Path. See also DE LA VALL^E POUSSIN, Bouddhisme, p. 57 ff.

15. PABBAJJA. Literally ' going forth '; the technical term for
giving up the household life and becoming a religieux, entering
an order. The rules for the reception of candidates for mem-
bership varied in the various orders. The Buddhist rules are
now translated by RHYS DAVIDS and H. OLDENBERG, Vinaya
Texts, vol. i. When a candidate is first admitted he is called
a Sdmanera, novice.

16. PACCEKABUDDHA. See under BUDDHA.

17. PARIVENA, monk's cell, the private dwelling of a
bhikkhu within the monastery.

18. PAVARANA, f invitation,' name of a festival held by the
bhikkhus at the close of the vassa, i.e. the rainy season, spent
in the monastery. See Vinaya Texts, i, pp. 335-353.

19. SAMANA, ' ascetic/ designation of the Buddhist priests
as opposed to the Brahmana.

20. SAMANERA. See under PABBAJJA.

21. SAMGHATTHERA. See under THERA.

22. SIJDDA (Skt. Sudra)j a man of the fourth, non-Aryan
caste.

List of Pali Terms 295

23. TALA. Lit. 'palm/ a measure of length. RHYS
DAVIDS, Ancient Coins, &c., p. 18.

24. TATHAGATA, one of the terms of veneration applied to
the Buddhas. The Buddha usually speaks of himself thus.
The meaning- is a matter of controversy. The native com-
mentators explain the word in quite different ways. See
BURNOUF, Introduction a thistoire du Bouddhisme indien, p. 75.

25. THERA, THERI (Skt. stkavira, °rd), term of respect
applied to monks and nuns, especially to those of venerable
age. SamgJiattfiera is the denotion of the senior priest in any
assembly of bhikkhus, or in the whole community. See
J.P.T.S. 1908, p. 19.

26. THUPA (Skt. 8/upa, tope), name of edifices which
serve as receptacle for a relic or as monument. They are
hemispherical or bell-shaped, and rest upon a base of
three concentric stories which form ambulatories round the
tope ; they sustain a cubical erection, the so-called tee from
which rises the spire (chatta) which crowns the whole. The
relic-chamber (dkcttvgabbka, whence the name ' Dagaba ', used
in Ceylon for the whole edifice) is in the interior, below
the tee.

The expression cetiya (Skt. caitya), originally the most
general term for ' sanctuary ' — a tree, too, can be a cetiya — is
used in the Mah. mostly as a synonym for thupa. Cf.,
for instance, MaJidcetiya or Mahdthupa as the name of the
Ruwanwffili-Dagaba in Anuradhapura.

There is frequent mention in the Mah. of a thupaghara
or cetiyaghara, ' house of the thupa or cetiya/

There can be no doubt, from Mah. 31. 29, that sometimes
a sort of roof or temple was built over the tope. In Anuradha-
pura the Thuparama-Dagaba is surrounded by four concentric
rows of pillars. It appears as if the two inner rows, where
the capitals of the pillars have tenons, were intended to bear
the roof of a thupaghara. PARKER (Ancient Ceylon, p. 270)
considers it altogether possible, differing in this from SMITHER
(Anurddhapura, p. 7). Of course such temples could only be

296 Appendix D

constructed over the smaller tliupas, and, as far as I can see,
are only mentioned in this case. If mention is made of a
bodhighara, i.e. of a temple for the bodhi-tree, then it is
naturally only a question of building- round and not over the
sacred tree.

27. TIPITAKA (Skt. tripitaka). Lit. ' three baskets/ col-
lective name for the canonical scriptures of the Buddhists.
They fall into three main divisions, Vinaya-pitaka, Sutta-p.
(or Dhamma), and Abhidhamma-p. See CHILDERS, s.v.; KERN,
p. 1 foil.

28. UPASAMPADA, the solemn ordination of the monk who
is a novice until that time, by a chapter of the order ; the
higher consecration of the priesthood. See CHILDERS, s. v. ;
KERN, p. 77 foil. ; SP. HARDY, Eastern Monac/iism, p. 44 foil.

29. UPOSATHA (Skt. upavasatha). The Buddhist sabbath
which is considered a holy day both for priests and laymen.
It occurs four times in the month : on the full- and new-moon
day, and on the eighth day following full- and new-moon. On
two of these four days the recitation of the Patimokkha-pre-
cepts (pdtimokkhuddesa) takes place, i.e. the priestly ceremony
of confession, in which every member of the order is to acknow-
ledge the faults he has committed. CHILDERS, s.v.; KERN,
p. 99.

Uposathdgdrctj or uposathaghara, is a building belonging
to the monastery used for the performance of the uposatha
ceremonies.

30. VEDI or VEDIKA (Skt. the same), means first 'terrace,
altar'. When in Mah. 36. 52 a,pd$dnavedl around the bodhi-
tree is mentioned, it means a stone terrace, on which such
sacred trees usually stand. Cf. in the same sense sildvedl,
Mah. 36. 103.

Further, this word has the sense of ' terrace with balustrade '.
It is to be understood thus in D. II. pp. 182-183 in the descrip-
tion of Sudassana's palace. Exactly in the same manner,
D. II. pp. 181-182, by sopdna a 'staircase with balustrade ' is
meant, and in both passages an accurate description follows,

List of Pali Terms 297

not of the terrace or of the staircase, but especially of the
rail.

When a mnddhavedl and pddavedl of a thupa are mentioned
(Mah. 35. 2) the former is the so-called tee, the latter the
storied base (see no. 26). Railings in. relief are frequently
added to both. SMITHER, p. 52, 27. Finally the meaning
1 balustrade, railing ' supersedes the others. Thus by the coral-
vedikas to the kiitagdra, the ( window-chambers ' of the Loha-
pasada, the parapet-balustrade to the windows is evidently
meant. Cf. vedikd-vdtapdna, C.V. VI. 2. 2. Plainly in the
same way vedikd, C.V. V. 14. 2, means a balustrade. See
S.B.E. xx, p. 104, n. 3; p. 162, n. 4.

31. VESSA (Skt. vaifya), a man of the third social grade.

32. VIHARA, dwelling, habitation for gods as also for monks,
therefore temple or convent (FERGUSSON, History of Indian and
Eastern Architecture, 1910, i, p. 170). In the Mah. the latter
meaning prevails.

33. YAKKHA (f. yakkhini-, Skt. yaksa, yaksim), designation
of certain supernatural beings who are under the rule of
Vessavana (Skt. Vaisravana, name of the god Kubera). In
the Mah. the aboriginal inhabitants of Ceylon are frequently
called Yakkha.

34. YOJANA, a measure of length. According to the system
of the Abhidhanappadipika 196, 1 yojana is = 4 gdvuta = 80
usabha = 20 yatthi = 7 ratana (or hattha fell') = 2 vidatthi
(span) =12 angula. According to RHYS DAVIDS, Ancient
Coins &c., p. 15 foil., the native tables of linear measures make
the yojana between 12 and 12^ miles, but in actual practice
it must have been reckoned as 7-8 miles.

INDEXES

(The numbers refer to pages and notes)

A. LIST OF GEOGRAPHICAL AND TOPO-
GRAPHICAL NAMES

Acchagallaka-vihara, 142. 3
Anurarama, 258. 1
Anotatta-lake, 8. 5
Aparantaka, 85. 1
Abhayagiri-vihara, 235. 1 ; 269. 1
Abhaya-vapi, 74. 3
Ambatthakola, 188. 1
Ambatitthaka, 170. 8
Ambatthala, 90. 1 ; 243. 5 ; 264. 3
Arittha-pabbata, 72. 3
Alasanda, 194. 3
Avanti, 21. 2

Akasa-cetiya, 148. 4

Isipatana, 193^ 3
Issarasamanarama, 133. 2 ; 137. 3

Ujjeni, 29. 1
Uttara Kuru, 3. 4
Upatissa-gama, 58. 4
Uruvela in India, 2. 2
Uruvela in Ceylon, 189. 2

Kacchaka-tittha, 72. 2

Kadamba-nadi, 58. 3

Kapilavatthu, 11. 1

Kappukandara-nadI, 165. 5

Karinda-nadi, 221. 1

Kalaha-nagara, 71. 1

KalyanT, 7. 4

Kasmira, 82. 2

Kajara-gama. 132. 1

Kalavapi, 58. 5 ; 247. 3

Kasa-pabbata, 70. 1

Kasi, 36. 1

Kukkutarama, 36. 5

Kusavati, 10. 3

Kusinara, 14.2 (see J.R.A.S. 1902,

p. 139 foil. ; 1903, p. 367 foil.
Kolambahalaka, °balaka, 176, 2
Kosambi, 21.2 (see J.R.A.S. 1903,

p. 583; 1904, p. 249)

Ganga = Mahaganga
Gandhara, 82. 2
Gambhira-nadi, 58. 4
Gamani-vapi, 75. 1
Giri-dipa, 4. 4
Giribbaja, 36. 2
Guttahalaka, 165. 3
Gotha-samudda, 150. 2
Gona-gamaka, 64. 1
Gona-nadi, 247. 3

Cittala-pabbata, 148. 2
Culanganiyapitthi, 165. 5
Cetiya-pabbata,' 114. 3
Cola, 143. 4

Jambukola, 79. 1
Jambudlpa, 15. 5
Javamala-tittha, 165. 5
Jetavana in India, 6. 1
Jetavanarama in Ceylon; 235. 1

269. 1
Jotivana, 77. 1

Tamalitti, 80. 4
Tissamahavihara, 138. 3
Tissa-vapi, 247. 4
Tissa-vapi, 248. 4

Thuparama, 9. 2 ; 230, 2

Dakkhinavihara, 246, 2
Dakkhinagiri, 88. 3
Dighathupa, 230. 3
Dighavapi, 8. 1
Duratissa-vapi, 229. 2 ; 248. 5
Dola-pabbata, 71. 3
Dvaramanclala, 68. 1

Dhumarakkha-pabbata, 72. 1

Nandana-vana, 77. 1
Naga-catukka, 94. 1

Indexes

299

Nagadipa, 6. 2
Nivatta-cetiya, 97. 3

Pathamacetiya, 95. 2
Payaga, 209. 1
Pacinadipa, 261. 4
Pataliputta, 22. 5
Pava, 21. 2
Paveyyaka, 21. 2
Pupphapura, 22. 5
Pulinda, 60. 5
Peli-vapi, 190. 1

Baranasi, 108. 1
Bodhimanda-vihara, 194. 5

Manisomarama, 235. 3
Manihira, 270. 4
Madda, 62. 1
Madhura, 59. 1_
Maricavatti-vihara, 179. 2
Malaya, 60. 4
Mahakandara-nadi, 63. 1
Mahagaiiga, 3. 9; 71. 3
Mahagama, 146. 5
Mahatittha, 60. 1
Mahamegka-vana, 8. 2 ; 77. 1
Maharattha, 85. 3
Mahavana, 20. 2
Mahiyangana, 3. 9 ; 170. 7
Mahisamandala, 84. 5
Mithila, 10.' 3
Missaka-pabbata, 89. 3

Yatthalaya-vihara, 146. 3
Yon'a, 85. 5

Rajatalena-vihara, 246. 3
Rattamala-kandaka, 271. 7
Rajagaha, 10. 3
Rohana, 146. 2

Lanka,_3. 7
Labugamaka, 73. 2

Vanga, 51. 1

Vanavasin, °vasaka, 84. 7

Vijita-pura, (-nagara), 58. 5 ; 171.3

Vinjha, 128. 4 ; 194.4

Vedisa, 88. 4

Veluvana, 98. 1

Vesali, 19. 2 (see J.R.A.S. 1903,

p. 583)
Vessagiri-vihara, 137. 3

Sineru, 213. 1
Silasobbha-kandaka, 236. 1
Sllakuta, 90. l' '
Supparaka, 54. 3
Sumanakuta, 5. 1
Suvannabhumi, 86. 2
Sonijagiri, 238. 1
Somarama, 235. 3
Soreyya, 21. 5

Huvaca-kannika, 245. 1

B. LIST OF TERMS EXPLAINED IN THE NOTES

anagamin, 89. 6 ; 93. 4
antimavatthu, 270. 3
abhinna, 20. 1 ; 92. 1
ariya, 35. 3
arupabhava, °loka, 25. 2

agataphala, 93. 4
acariya, 31. 4
acariyavada, 26. 1
ajira, 246. 2
alinda, 246, 2

iriyapatha, 17. 1

udana,_130. 4
upajjhaya, 31. 4
upanissaya, 29. 3
upasana, 164. 1
ubbahika, 23. 3
ubhato-samgha, 223. 4

kammatthana, 39. 3
kammavaca, 44. 1
kasina, 45. 1
kahapana, 20. 3
kamabhava, °loka, 25. 2
kulumbana, 257. 5
kulupaga, °ka, 201. 2

khinasava, 35. 3
garula, 129. 4

cankama, 45. 4
caturassacaya, 219. 1

jatila, 3. 2
tadin, 102. 2

thupika, 210. 2
theravada, 26. 1 ; 49. 2

300

Indexes

dasasila, 122. 3

dhanu, 248. 3
dhamma, 17. 4
dhammasamgaha, 16. 1
dhammasamgiti, 16. 1
dhammabhisamaya, 4. 6

naji, 201. 1
nigantha, 75. 2
nirodha, 254. 1
nissita, 264. 7

paccaya, 15. 7
paticcakamma, 48. 3
paribhogadhatu, 109. 2
parissavana, 251. 2
pasada, 1. 1
pamanga, 79. 7
puthujjana, 35. 3
pupphadhana, 202. 2

bala, dasa balani, 14. 4
bhava, 25. 2

marumba, 191. 5
malaka, 99. 4
muddhavedi, 219. 1 ; 220. 3

yatthimadhuka, 224. 5
yamaka patihariya, 120. 1

ratanattaya, 33. 2
rupabhava, °loka, 25. 2

vatamsa, 79. 6
vinaya, 17. 4
vibhajjavada, 49. 2
vetulya, 259. 2
vedi, vedika, 220. 2

samvega, 1. 1
sakadagamin, 98. 2
samkhara, samkhata, 25. 3
saccakiriya, 125. 3
samapatti, 37. 1
sarana, 4. 6 ; 7. 2
sariradhatu, 109. 2
salaka, salakagga, 112. 6
saraanaka parikkhara, 22. 1
sila, 4. 6 ; 7. 3 ; 122. 3
supanna, 94. 3 ; 129. 4
sekha, 16. 3 _
sotapatti, sotapanna, 5. 2

hatthipakara, 228. 2

ADDENDA

v. 132. The meaning is as follows : The words gacchdti are a polite
form of refusing a mendicant friar: 'go on (to the next house).'
Therefore Siggava could say that he had received something (i. e.
a polite answer), without telling a lie. Formerly he had received
nothing at all, no alms, nor even an answer, but had been entirely
disregarded. See Milinda-panha 8 ; RHYS DAVIDS, S.B.E. xxxv, p. 15,
and note.

xxix. 40. Translate : From his dwelling-place, the Vattaniya
(arama) in the Vinjha forest hills came the them Uttara &c.

PALI TEXT SOCIETY
Translation Series.

THE Pali Text Society having- published almost all the
original texts of the canonical Pali scriptures has now under-
taken a series of translations in order to make these important
historical texts better known. The series will include versions
of texts not in the Canon, if such texts are either themselves
of historical importance or throw light on the interpretation
or history of the texts or of the doctrine they contain.

At present there have appeared the following : —

1. Psalms of the Early Buddhists, Part I, PSALMS OF
THE SISTERS, translated from the Then-gdtM. By Mrs.
Rhys Davids, M.A., Lecturer on Indian Philosophy at
Manchester University, Fellow of University College, London.
Price 5s. net.

' We conclude with best thanks to Mrs. Rhys Davids for the capital
work she has given us ... and the hope that the psalms of the
brethren will follow soon.' — Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

'Are of much interest as a contribution to the history of women
under Monasticism and as an expression of the Buddhist view of
life.'— The Times.

1 Next to her learned husband, the distinguished Professor of Com-
parative Religion at the Manchester University, there is probably
no more authoritative exponent of Pali Buddhistic literature in this
country than Mrs. Rhys Davids, the author of this interesting work,
issued in an elegant and attractive form by the Pali Text Society.' —
The Manchester Guardian.

1 The verses give us many exceedingly interesting glimpses of the
religious spirit of the East in its redeeming work. . . . The present
work is intended for serious students, and not for those in search
of simplified versions of the world's religions. It is published for the
Pali Text Society, and will be welcomed by those who are interested
in the East.'— The Daily News.

' A baffling sense of the futility of much that we so desperately
busy ourselves about comes into the mind in reading these pages.
A strange and elusive influence seems to haunt them— an influence
that does not age nor change. It speaks with a voice that echoes in
many a volume of modern poetry. We read, and seem to be striving
in some inexplicable way to remember, and to be groping after the
forgotten vicissitudes of our own countless lives.' — The Westminster
Gazette.

'Mrs. Rhys Davids's rendering is masterly— in places it reflects
what seems to be very fine poetry — and her notes and introduction
sustain her high reputation as a scholar.' — The New York Nation.

' Dass der Ubersetzerin die vortrefflichsten Hilfsmittel der Palilexi-
kographie zur Hand sind, wird der fachkundige Leser an mehr als
einer Stelle bemerken. Weit aber uber den Kreis der Fachgenossen
hinaus wird dieses Buch geschatzt und genossen werden konnen als ein
seltenes Specimen philologischer und asthetischer Durchbildung.'—
Deutsche Literaturzeitung.

'The English reading public is in a position, thanks to her accom-
plished hand, to study these ancient testimonies to the power
of Buddhist doctrine in a complete and satisfactory form. ... It
has long been recognized, in the study of Sanskrit literature, that
it is vain to attempt to dispense with the help of native light, and
to interpret texts solely by means of grammar and lexicon. No
doubt much may be explained without the vernacular commentators,
and the student must always exercise his critical faculty in using
them, but, with all reserves made, these commentators do stand
closer to their texts than occidentals can stand, and point out many
things that, without their help, would be overlooked or only half
understood. " Chaque pays a sa pensee " says the French poet, and
the greater German poet bids us go to the poet's country if we would
understand the poet's word. Of all this Mrs. Rhys Davids has been
duly mindful, and her version has gained much in point of trust-
worthiness on this account. But the flow and spontaneity of the
verse has by no means suffered through this accuracy and rigid
adherence to the tradition. The metrical form moves lightly withal,
and this freedom of movement is a witness to the sympathy of the
translator with the thoughts of the ancient Therls.— The Buddhist
Review.

2. Compendium of Philosophy, being a translation of
the Abhidhammatt/ia-sahyaha. By Shwe Zan Aung, B.A.,
revised and edited by Mrs. Rhys Davids. Price 5*. net.

'The translation now before us is, in the best and fullest sense
of the words, the result of Eastern and Western effort combined.
The most intrinsically interesting part of the book, the Appendix
(pp. 220-85), which contains Mr. Aung's extensive notes on some
of the most important technical terms of Buddhist philosophy, will
be found extremely useful by all students of Buddhism. More
especially I would point out the very lucid and highly instructive
discussions on the vexed question of the Paticcasamuppada and on the
true meaning of the term Samkhara. Three useful indexes add to
the usefulness of the volume, for which both the English editor and
the Burmese author deserve our best thanks, and on the publication
of which the Pali Text Society is to be heartily congratulated.' —
Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society.

'Ein entscheidender Grund fur die Unzulanglichkeit unserer
bezuglichen Kenntnisse ist aber wohl darin zu suchen, dass die Gedan-
kenkreise, in denen die buddhistische Weltanschauung sich bewegt, so
wenig mit okzidentalischen Begriffen in Einklang zu bringen sind,
dass eine wesentliche Forderung in der angedeuteten Richtung
vielleicht nur dann zu erhoffen ist, wenn es gelingen sollte, die
berufenen Vertreter der buddhistischen Gelehrsamkeit in den in
Frage kommenden Landern — vor allem Japan, Birma, Ceylon — fur
die Ubersetzung und Bearbeitung der massgebenden Werke zu
interessieren. Dass eine derartige Teilnahme an der wissenschaft-
lichen Erforschung des Buddhismus, namentlich soweit dessen
jiingere Entwicklungszustande in Betracht kommen, nur von dem
vorteilhaftesten Einfluss sein konnte, wird vor allem auch durch die
hier vorliegende Ubersetzung eines der wichtigsten neu-buddhisti-
schen Texte der "siidlichen" Schule, der "Zusammenfassung des
Sinnes des Abhidhamma", durch den Birmesen Shwe Zan Aung
nahegelegt. Der Name des Mitherausgebers, Mrs. Rhys Davids,
bietet fur die Zuverlassigkeit der Ubersetzung sowohl wie fur die
in Anhangen und Bemerkungen gebotene Bearbeitung der verschie-
denartigen Probleme, vor allem auch philosophiegeschichtlichen
Inhalts, die beste Gewahr.' — Deutsche Literaturzeitung.

' Here, for the first time in the history of modern research into
the ancient Buddhist lore, we have a work produced by a Buddhist
scholar, working in a Buddhist land with all the immense advantage
which a life-long training, the actual religion, and free access to the
living tradition of the monasteries confer; himself also a deep
student of the western philosophical systems; and his work is

rendered, if possible, of still greater value, by the revision and
collaboration of one who may justly be admitted to be the foremost
living occidental authority on the subject. . . . The editor has, with
characteristic acumen and appreciation of their high value, con-
siderably augmented the usefulness of the work before us by the
inclusion, in an appendix of some 60 pp., of a number of notes
written by the author in the course of the correspondence which
the work involved. Here, once more, we have Buddhist psychology
as the born and instructed Buddhist student sees it, and many an
occidental Buddhist student will find in these important notes much
matter for deep study as well as great enlightenment.' — The Rangoon
Gazette.

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